tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-63793886652611359722024-03-16T06:40:20.974+05:30Indian Diplomacy - BlogOfficial blog of Public Diplomacy Division of Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger23125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-16862604884923413972013-03-03T14:18:00.000+05:302013-03-18T14:14:17.329+05:30BCIM Car Rally 2013 - My way or the express highway<br />
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After a late-night entry in China, we were pleasantly surprised when the control car announced that we don't have an early start the next day. Well, we couldn't have asked for anything better. Even if not having an early start means starting the day at 8.30, we were happy with whatever we were getting.</div>
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The day started with a healthy breakfast to keep us up for a long drive to Tengchong. More than the long drive, the concern was driving on express highway! Rules we were told to keep in mind were:</div>
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1. No stopping on the highway</div>
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2. Speed limit is 120kmph</div>
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3. Minimum speed limit is 40kmph</div>
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4. Have fun!</div>
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...And we were off on our first drive in China, and what a drive it turned out to be! From the moment we started in Ruili, we were welcomed with beautiful sidewalks, smooth tarmac roads, 6 lane highways - quite a relief for the cars as well as the teams in them. During the drive to Tengchong, we crossed miles of tobacco and sunflower fields. What a beautiful sight! The pilot car led us out of the city in no time.</div>
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Our first break came about 4 hours later, where we had lunch and proceeded to cover the pending 2 hours of journey. By 4, we were in the second city in China - Tengchong.</div>
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To brief you about this town- Tengchong’s location on the merchant route has let it witness the rise, growth and fall of the trade in Chinese history. Once blurred on the average tourist’s maps, Tengchong has regained importance. The volcano park, which has had active volcanic eruptions in the past 500 years, the hot water springs and Beihai wetland, or marsh are quickly gaining attention as tourist attractions. Add to it the Yunfeng mountain, that resembles a bamboo shoot towering towards the sky- and you have a county that is beautified with natural features.</div>
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By now, we had crossed beautiful sights, grand highways and driven at an average speed of 140kmph and were going farther away from the sea level; we were told drive to Dali will be at 6000ft. above sea level. Time for some ear-popping.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com22tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-89709784520985161642013-03-02T14:10:00.000+05:302013-03-18T14:13:48.782+05:30 BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Myanmar to China<br />
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Right after the cultural programme in Mandalay, we headed straight to our beds for some much-needed sleep. As the alarm buzzed after 5 hours, we knew it was time to head to the final destination - China! It's always a great feeling when you know you are reaching your destination. In this case, as cliched as it may sound, we were happy that we were approaching China but sad at the same time, because that meant our rally would come to an end. The last 7 days had been adventurous, fun, exhausting yet strangely satisfying. By then we'd already crossed 3 international borders, driven more than 1700kms, seen some unforgettable sights and met some very interesting people on the rally - from mountaineers to actors to diplomats.<br />
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Next morning started early, as always, and the convoy made its way on clear and long roads through Myanmar towards the Ruili border, connecting Myanmar and China. The run of the day was approximately 360kms; we kept a buffer 2 hours and arrived at our destination by 7pm. By then the sun had set but there it was, the final country on the BCIM Car Rally - China. We could see neon hoardings with CHINA DUTY FREE written on it. A strange sense of achievement kicked in when we all realized we had actually driven down to China from India! But before we entered the country, we had something even bigger waiting for us- a human tunnel formed by Myanmarese to wish us luck and farewell. What an amazingly warm bunch of people they'd been!<br />
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The immigration officers approached each car and handed over temporary Chinese number plates as they welcomed us to their country. Officers on duty guided the convoy into China, towards the parking and lead us to the immigration centre. 5 minutes in, we were stamped into the country. Nihao China! Ruili Administrative heads welcomed the participants and congratulated the convoy on making it through. We walked down to the dinner convention near-by, where all of us got our medical check-ups and also got instructed about the traffic rules in China. By then we knew driving in China was going to be different from the previous 3 countries. </div>
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We were ready for it, ready for the last drive.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com145tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-7064835909669762252013-03-01T14:11:00.000+05:302013-03-18T14:13:14.379+05:30 BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Myanmar<br />
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As the army's pilot car drove aside after leading us for 6 long hours, we knew we had reached the border. Our run in India had come to an end, and what a run it had been! From 500 metres ahead, we could see the border.</div>
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The India - Myanmar border in Manipur is connected by a bridge, half of it in India and other half in Myanmar. One vehicle at a time, we crossed over to Myanmar, the third country on this epic rally. Excitement levels rose as the Myanmar team welcomed all the participants on the radio.</div>
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Just a few kilometres in, we spotted beautiful pagodas. As we went along on long and straight stretches, the people of Myanmar continued to wave out to us. We were delighted to see the enthusiasm of the locals. We made our way to the town of Ka Lay later in the day; our arrival was followed by a cultural show and dinner. But before we called it a day, Htet Htet decided to sing for us. None of us could resist despite the exhaustion, and we all got on stage to shake a leg to the music.</div>
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By now, we had all become accustomed to sleeping late and waking up early, and next day was no different. The night before, we were given a heads up about the rough stretch from Ka Lay to Mandalay; we, of course, thought it would be as rough as our previous off-road experience. However, it turned out to be quite a fun terrain to drive on, with straight stretches, no tarmac and hill inclines up to 45%. Quite an adrenaline rush!</div>
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Half way through the stretch we came to a tea break at a small village, where the group was surrounded by local villagers. Why? One of them spotted Kaung Khant and Aye Myat Thu, the two actors from Myanmar. Well, that had been the story everywhere we went in Myanmar. Villagers were star struck. Later, we continued our drive to Mandalay, where our welcome was grand! The local administration had put together a reception with cultural performances and dinner. Just what we needed after a long day of driving!</div>
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This was our second and also the last day in Myanmar, and next day was the border-crossing to China. Myanmar had kept us awestruck with its natural beauty, unmatched warmth of people and amazing food. We all knew we are going to miss the place.</div>
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<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.com18tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-19723117169617949202013-02-27T14:07:00.000+05:302013-03-18T14:12:43.203+05:30 BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Home Coming<br />
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Our 3 days in Bangladesh have come to an end, but what that also meant was we'd be entering home, India. After an hour long drive, we reached the border. And there it was, across 'no man's land' - India. But before we could enter our home country, the Bangladeshis showed one last gesture of hospitality, dancing with the participants by the border. This was possibly the first time people from Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar were present at the Bangladesh - India border together and dancing! Did we just notice history in the making? I believe, we did.</div>
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The dance only acted as a catalyst to our already charged up mood! We could see children lined up, chanting and waving the BCIM flags. But there was something none of us could see from the other side or would have even anticipated; A heroic welcome! We hopped into our cars, slowly began accelerating towards India, waving and greeting kids on either side of the road. 100 meters in, we noticed what's referred to as a "Human Tunnel"! 4 rows of people lined up to meet us, to greet us and welcome us all. 4 days in, we had seen great reception in Bangladesh however, this was something that took us all by surprise. We were then lead to the reception area, where people lined up to click photos with the participants and the cars. We made our way to the dining hall, had some lunch and moved on towards the cultural programme stage.</div>
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Unlike previous cultural programmes, this was different. Why? Because these kids had one dance performance on each form of Indian dance form. Our feet were already tapping, all we needed was just one call invite and all of us would have been on the stage to join the kids for the dance. Did the invite come? Yes! Team members from Myanmar, China and India started dancing with the Bhangra dance group, the Rajasthani group and the Maharashtrian group. We knew our stay in India will be eventful to say the least.</div>
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Stay tuned for the next post. We witnessed the "real" rock and roll on our way to Imphal.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com6tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-77837132885376431482013-02-26T14:06:00.000+05:302013-03-18T14:11:42.641+05:30BCIM Car Rally 2013, Day 4 - Thank you Bangladesh<br />
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Hospitality may vary from country to country and culture to culture, but the essence of hospitality remains the same – “Make your guest feel at home”. And “feel at home”, we did. Today was our last day in Bangladesh, the very first country we crossed on this car rally. We covered about 600kms through Bangladesh:</div>
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Border – Jessore: 70 KMs</div>
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Jessore – Dhaka: 230 KMs</div>
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Dhaka – Sylhet : 240 KMs</div>
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Sylhet – Border: 60 KMs</div>
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But I have to say, none of realized where these 600 KMs went by, from Border crossing to hustle-bustle of Dhaka, from long deserted stretches to night driving, Bangladesh had a lot to offer! We started our day around 8.30 in the morning to head for the Indian-Bangladesh border, that’s when mixed feelings started developing. We knew we will be touching home ground in sometime but that’s when we realized our stay in Bangladesh is coming to an end. Some of us might not get to visit this country again. Starting from Car #1 till #20, everyone took their turns over the radio to extend heartfelt appreciation and gratitude to the Bangladeshi Govt., Local Authorities and of course, the very warm people of Bangladesh. Team Leader of the Bangladeshi Team extended a special invitation to each member to visit the country again.<br />
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There were certain moments in the last 3 days that all of us on this rally will remember throughout our lifetime. It started with crossing the border; for many of us on board, it was the first time we drove through a national border. Next one on the list has to be the visit to the National Martyr’s Memorial near Dhaka; all of us were taken aback by the history, beauty and architecture of the memorial. But, there was one incident that made everyone aboard respect Bangladesh’s hospitality. One of the Indian participants of the rally shared with everyone on the radio that her forefather’s homeland was a small town in Bangladesh that the rally would be crossing (from the outskirts) on the way to Sylhet. With deep sentiments attached, her relatives back in India had requested her to collect a handful of soil from her homeland; the Bangladeshi Team Leader informed everyone once we reached the outskirts of the town. The convoy was made to pull over to allow the participant collect a handful of soil for her to take back. And as rightly announced by the Control Car, “nothing like knowing your roots”.</div>
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It was the moment after this when a senior Bangladeshi official aboard announced that the Govt. will be sending a pack of soil from the participant’s forefather’s home via a diplomatic bag once she’s reached back in Kolkata; a gesture that can’t be expressed in words. Fostering friendship, indeed.</div>
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So our journey in Bangladesh comes to an end. I’d like to take this opportunity to thank Bangladesh on behalf of the entire convoy. Thank you!<br />
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As I write this blog post, I’m back in my hotel in Silchar, Assam, nicely tucked-in and planning to catch some good night sleep before an 11 hour drive to Imphal tomorrow. But does that mean coming back home was uneventful? You have no idea what we witnessed today. Stay tuned for the next blog post, after today Home Coming will never be the same for us. More on it soon..</div>
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The journey continues…</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com121tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-51436946592552302212013-02-25T12:49:00.000+05:302013-03-18T18:25:54.065+05:30BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Day 3 - Miles to go before WE sleep...<br />
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Nothing makes you feel better than getting something you've been yearning for a while, and this is what happened with us too! Day 3 of the BCIM car rally started later than usual because of the local strike, this meant none of us had to wake up at 5 in the morning. When the control car (car #1) made the announcement on the radio that we'll be leaving later in the day as opposed to early morning, the sheer joy on everyone's face was a sight!</div>
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About 3.30 in the afternoon, the convoy had started lining up outside the hotel after a much needed long night sleep and a great meal. 20 minutes in, the radio announced: "Alright guys, convoy's rolling" and we set out towards the 3rd destination on our epic 3000 km road trip, to Sylhet in Bangladesh. </div>
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Sylhet is about 230 Kms from Dhaka in the north eastern region of Bangladesh, and is situated near the Sheola border - India. The City is located on the northern bank of the Surma River and is surrounded by the Jaintia, Khasi and Tripura hills.</div>
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The Dhaka Police yet again gave us a pilot and made sure the convoy rolls out smoothly from the city, and 60 minutess in, we had already crossed the Dhaka border. On our way out, we crossed the Secretariat, University and many major spots in Dhaka. The first quick stop came in when we discovered the local district administration dignitaries and officials of Narshindi had planned a welcome reception. We all love surprises now, don't we? ... And the convoy continued..</div>
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After 100 Kms of drive, we came to a scheduled halt for a tea break in Brahmanbaria , where we were received by the Army's Bagpiper band. The fatigue levels dropped. Some caffeine and sandwiches were all we needed to get us rolling. By the time it was tea break, the sun had already set and we were driving in pitch dark. It was quite a sight seeing 20 cars with their hazard and head lights on, moving in a straight line. </div>
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Tomorrow our journey in Bangladesh will come to an end. Let me take this opportunity to thank Bangladesh, on behalf of the entire BCIM Car Rally team, for a very warm hospitality. You made us feel at home. </div>
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As I write this blog post, we are bout 70 Kms away from Sylhet. As per programme, a cultural reception awaits us at the hotel. We're positive that will take our fatigue completely away. More on this in tomorrow's blog.<br />
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Miles to go before WE sleep...</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com21tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-42459054171765080762013-02-24T00:25:00.000+05:302013-03-09T00:26:29.840+05:30 BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Day 2 - Dhaka Time<br />
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Day 2 of the BCIM Car Rally started at 7:30am and our destination for the day was Dhaka which was 230km away from Jesoore. Dhaka is the both the capital and largest city of Bangladesh. Geographically speaking, it is located in the center of the country and is served by the port of Narayanganj. It is a city that is rich in history and culture and it is known internationally as 'the City of Mosques and Muslin'. No trip to Bangladesh is complete without first visiting Dhaka. </div>
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En route Dhaka we had to cross the river Padma via Ferry. The Padma river is the main distributary of the Ganges and it enters Bangladesh from India near Chapai Nababganj. This was the only Ferry ride of the entire trip from Kolkata to Kunming, which made it all the more special and exciting. </div>
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Throughout our travel the warmth and humanity in the people was very clear from the way school kids lined up on the road holding the flag of Bangladesh and people from villages came up to us with snacks and handing out flowers. </div>
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Bangladesh definitely feels like home. The first stop for the day was the National Martyrs Memorial at 1:30pm. Although it was a long drive and everyone was tired, the beauty of the memorial enamored us. The monument is composed of 7 isosceles triangular pyramid shaped structures, with the middle one being the tallest. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Convoy lined up in front of the monument</td></tr>
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All the 4 country leaders namely Mr. Cheng Yunchuan, Mr. Mohammad Delwar Hossain, Mr. Sunil Misra and Mr. Ne Win paid their tributes at the memorial. This was followed by a delicious lunch and 33km of travel towards Dhaka. </div>
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Heavy traffic welcomed us as we entered Dhaka but the police were cooperative and kind enough to guide us through the busy streets towards the Banganandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Museum. This is the house of the Father of the Nation of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. We were also made to cross the National Parliament Premises. The architecture of the monument was breathe taking.</div>
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Our last stop for the day was the Bangabandhu International Conference Center, where the Minister of Communications welcomed us. The warm welcome was followed by a cultural show where poems of Rabindranath Tagore were recited. <span style="line-height: 19.5px;">The team leader of the Indian team, Mr. Sunil Misra beautifully highlighted the fact on how the BCIM Car Rally is all about fostering friendship among the BCIM nations as the participants of the rally were already singing songs and sharing jokes in less than 2 days. </span></div>
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We then left for the hotel where the Minister had hosted a lovely dinner along with some nice music by the pool side. The BCIM Car Rally participants would like to thank the Hon'ble Minister for being such a welcoming host. </div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com13tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-7046407619034895362013-02-23T00:00:00.000+05:302013-03-09T00:01:54.221+05:30BCIM Car Rally 2013 - Day 1 - The Flag-Off<br />
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The first day of the much awaited first edition of the BCIM Car Rally from Kolkata to Kunming was truly amazing. A day before the rally was scheduled to begin, we arrived in Kolkata and checked into our hotel. The excitement began to build as BCIM Car Rally t-shirts and badges were already being distributed. All the team members present were then given a small brief on what was in store for them for the next few days, which was followed by a press conference.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pre-Event Press Conference</td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">JS, PD with team member from Bangladesh</td></tr>
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Joint Secretary Public Diplomacy Division, Ms. Riva G Das along with key organizers presented mementos to the rally participants, which was followed by dinner.</div>
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On Day 1, everyone was waiting to get into their cars and hit the road. We were at the venue by around 10:30am, and the cars were all lined up ready for a 12 day journey across 4 countries. The opening remarks were given by Mr. Chandrajit Banerjee (Director General, CII). We were then addressed by Mr. K S Jamestin, Mr Adi Godrej and Shri Madan Mitra. We were also addressed by Smt Mamta Banerjee (Hon'ble Chief Minister of West Bengal) and the vote of thanks was provided by Mr R K Agrawal. Finally, the moment we had all been waiting for, the Flag Off, was scheduled for 13:45pm.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Flag-Off</td></tr>
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The BCIM Car Rally drove towards the border of Bangladesh, which was 70kms away from the venue, where we received a warm welcome. This was followed by a 40km drive to the destination for the day, Jessore. We got to witness a beautiful cultural programme put together by the students from Jessore, followed by a delicious Bangladeshi dinner.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">India - Bangladesh - The <span style="color: #333333; line-height: 18px; text-align: left;">Petrapole Border</span></td></tr>
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After a long fun filed day of travelling, we called it a night and went back to our hotel rooms, looking forward to the next day's travel to the capital city of Bangladesh, Dhaka. </div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-12718288768567255812010-12-24T12:37:00.004+05:302010-12-24T12:41:28.046+05:30India-US Relations: Post President Obama's Visit<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9_bmSp-UxW1sPJU861eKfWNcjTwGVHCPPcDFQwhew9nZaH183FnERhKlmnJFV2QYoYjECVsgmsCKWJxynvnbZ7OrS44ERpWTnIB2OIVL0eDEpAG17GuaMsPzHO6ApRXA7ZakBdI-9qAc/s1600/ronen.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9_bmSp-UxW1sPJU861eKfWNcjTwGVHCPPcDFQwhew9nZaH183FnERhKlmnJFV2QYoYjECVsgmsCKWJxynvnbZ7OrS44ERpWTnIB2OIVL0eDEpAG17GuaMsPzHO6ApRXA7ZakBdI-9qAc/s200/ronen.gif" width="170" /></a></div><br />
<div id="internal-source-marker_0.2581048161362294" style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline;"> AMBASSADOR RONEN SEN</span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline;">ON</span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline;">INDIA-US RELATIONS: POST-PRESIDENT OBAMA’S VISIT</span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline;">AT</span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: bold; vertical-align: baseline;">JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA CENTRAL UNIVERSITY ON 7 DECEMBER, 2010</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 19px;">Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Najeeb Jung,</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Joint Secretary, Navdeep Suri</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Friends,</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> I am honored to be in your midst at this august institution, the Jamia Millia Islamia Central University. I have been asked to share some thoughts with you this afternoon on the current state of India-US relations, following the visit to India last month of President Barak Obama. The views expressed by me are personal and, apart from my past experience, based on information in the public domain. I was not even present in Delhi during the US President’s visit.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Let me touch briefly on our relationship with the US before the visit. These relations were given a major boost during the visit of President Bill Clinton to India towards the conclusion of his second term as President in 2000. The relationship scaled unprecedented heights during the Presidency of George W. Bush, particularly during his second term in office. This was manifested above all in the historic India-US civil nuclear deal, the unique single country specific exemption for India from the application of the guidelines of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) (which was discriminatory and intentionally so) and the approval of an Additional Protocol by Board of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Another important milestone was the conclusion of a 10 year framework on Defence Cooperation by the two Defence Ministers in 1995. There were several other initiatives for bilateral and global cooperation which transformed India-US relations to the most broad-based relationship that India has with any country in the world. The strategic initiatives, including the nuclear deal, were first envisaged in the Next Steps of Strategic Partnership (NSSP) announced jointly by former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and President George Bush in January 2004. It was strange that this visionary initiative of Shri Vajpayee was not recognised by his own party. Prime Minister Manmonhan Singh’s sagacity and strategic foresight led him to stake the future of his government on this issue. It was also ironic that the major global implications of the deal were better realised by most countries abroad, including by China and Pakistan, than in our Parliament. </span><br />
<a name='more'></a></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Contrary to some misapprehensions, the Obama administration extended its full cooperation in taking all steps for the implementation of the nuclear deal, including the finalization of the reprocessing agreements.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Due to some initial mis-steps in the formative stage of the Obama Administration, there were persistent misgivings about Obama’s commitment to India. His several special gestures were dismissed as symbolism bereft of substance, revealing ignorance of the fact that symbolism is always an important manifestation of policy. It was unfortunate that a delayed recognition of Bush’s invaluable contributions to our relationship was accompanied by unjustified reservations about Obama’s role. There were pointless comparisons of ‘deliverables’ during the Bush Administration and those expected from Obama. I had no doubts that all lingering doubts would be dispelled and that Obama’s visit would be a success, and add new momentum and content to our relationship. I had given this assessment in all my media interactions prior to the visit. As it turned out, however, even my high expectations of this visit were exceeded.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Yet it was unedifying, to put it mildly, to witness particularly on some of our television channels, the rapid transformation of reproach to rapture, of admonition to adulation and of tantrums to triumphalism. We need to be more balanced in our expectations and evaluations.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> It is now clearly evident that the US recognises the primacy of India in the Indian subcontinent. Bush had closely coordinated US policies on Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka with evolving Indian policies. Yet he gave a long rope to Musharraf. It was only around mid-2008 that he was exasperated with Pakistani double dealings and the US stepped up drone attacks in Pakistan thereafter. The main US interests in Pakistan included countering terrorism; the security of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal; reducing religious radicalism in Pakistan in general, and in its army, in particular; combating narcotics trade; promoting good governance; encouraging good relations with India and balancing Pakistani dependence on China. Obama has gone further in quickly realising that the main problem is Pakistan, and that the key to stabilising the Af-Pak situation was not in Kabul or Kandhar, but in Rawalpindi. Unlike Bush, he has not hesitated to openly hold the Pakistani government accountable for removing safe havens and the terrorist infrastructure in that country, and for bringing the perpetrators of the November 2008 terrorist attack to justice – transparently, fully and urgently.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Bill Clinton had despite his objective stand on the Kargil conflict, remained a highly vocal proponent of the need to resolve the Kashmir issue, which he described as a nuclear flash point and the greatest global threat to peace. George Bush, in contrast, adopted a handsoff approach on J&K. Obama has wisely continued this approach since his assumption of office.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Pakistani opposition to India’s presence and developmental activities in Afghanistan has again been brushed aside by Obama, despite reservations of some defence and intelligence analysts in the US. On the Af-Pak issue there is no difference between India and the US in the diagnosis of the problems. What we need is to bridge some differences on the prescriptions for their resolution. I am sure that close confidential consultations are continuing in this regard.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> These are welcome developments from our perspective. Yet we should recognize that given Pakistan’s strategic location and its influence relating to Afghanistan, the US is unlikely to go beyond a point to pressurise Pakistan and risk Pakistan falling completely under Chinese influence. It will thus be in our interests to maintain our own direct channels of communications at an appropriate level with Pakistan, irrespective of the status of our composite dialogue process.</span></div><div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">While we have some visa issues with the US, it is easier today for Indians to get US visas than it is for many Americans, including those of Indian origin, to get visas for India. The severe restrictions on issue of visas to Pakistani citizens and Pakistani origin nationals of other countries are becoming counter-productive. These adversely affect those who have a strong stake in better relations with India. Such wide-ranging restrictions are in any case no substitute for better intelligence. Even the continuation of the restrictions should not prevent us from clearing or rejecting applications within a couple of days with the use of a constantly updated computerized database.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">The leaders of the two countries undoubtedly had a detailed exchange of views on our largest neighbour, China, the emerging security structure in Asia and of free access to global commons in air, sea, space and cyber space. We agreed that we have not only to ‘Look East’ but ‘engage’ East Asia. Having been closely associated with the historic visit of late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to China in 1988, I remain a strong proponent of closer India-China relations. I do not think that it will serve our interests to join any effort to encircle or contain China or interfere in its internal affairs. We will, however, be justified in expecting full reciprocity in terms of statements and actions from China.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Initially the Obama Administration tended to downplay the importance of democracy in terms of its foreign policy priorities. There was instead a focus on only the three other ‘Ds’ – diplomacy, defence and development. Obama subsequently declared that democracy is not only a moral but a strategic imperative; India and the US are not only the largest democracies but also the most pluralist and diverse societies and federal polities. We also have close people to people ties and a large and dynamic Indian origin community in the US, which have continued to act as stabilising factors, even during periods of uneasy inter-governmental relations. None of our major strategic partners, except the UK to a somewhat lesser extent, has this kind of stabilizing dimension to our relationship. </span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Obama’s lecture to us on Myanmar was clearly an irritant. However, the fact is that both India and the US have double standards in dealing with </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: italic; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">de jure</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> or </span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: italic; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">de facto</span><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> military regimes and autocratic governments. For instance, successive US Administrations have propped up military regimes in Pakistan. But, India was also the first country to congratulate Musharraf even before he appointed himself as President. We also invited him to pay a state visit to India at a time when he was shunned by the EU and US. Both our countries will have to arrive at a better balance between their principles and practices.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> Obama’s endorsement of India’s inclusion in the UN Security Council was undoubtedly an important manifestation of the high priority he attaches to India. So far the US has supported the claims of only Japan and India for permanent UNSC membership. However, the US has not made any commitment to speed up the process of UN reforms or issued instructions to this effect to its Permanent Representative in New York and to other capitals. Other countries which have pledged their support to UNSC permanent membership should also be expected to take concerted actions to facilitate the process of UNSC reforms. It is another matter that I have personally believed that we should not bang doors to get into the UNSC or any other exclusive forum. We should focus on becoming the third largest economy in real terms and also correspondingly increase our military projection capabilities. If the UNSC is still relevant, we could at that time consider an invitation to join on par with the other permanent members.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> While we are in the process of finalising nuclear power agreements with the US, Russia and France, I hope that our legal regime will permit maximising of local content and domestic and foreign private sector participation in terms of investments and manufacture of aggregates and components in India. There is no reason why one state-owned monopoly should operate commercial nuclear power stations in India. The removal of some major Indian organizations, from the US Entities List was an expected but welcome development, and one of the outcomes of the nuclear deal. It should also be viewed as forward movement by the US in the process of removal of non-tariff barriers in high technology trade.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> It is a pity that Obama’s pitch for increasing US exports and creating more US jobs has been viewed by some in India as a denigration of his august office as President to that of a “Chief Salesman”. Economic diplomacy has been a major priority for missions and posts abroad for most countries including India. There should be no stigma attached to initiatives to promote the well being of one’s citizens and in imparting more economic ballast to bilateral ties. Unlike most of our major trade partners with whom we have a negative balance of trade, we have for a number of years had a positive balance of trade with the US, in both goods and services. This should prevent India from being clubbed with countries with massive trade surpluses. Obama’s rhetoric on outsourcing has also been far more subdued than other democratic leaders in US.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> In the field of defence we can and should do more to promote cooperation with the US. For the first time since our independence we have the option of sourcing equipment and technology from all countries. Contrary to some public perceptions, we had some years ago reached agreement on the Communication Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), after the US accepted all our proposed amendments. Despite its serious apprehensions about NATO’s missile defence, Russia recently indicated its desire for integration and interoperability of its missile defence system with NATO. In contrast, we are apparently in the process of replacing high technology communication systems and data links in equipments to be procured, thereby lowering performance and increasing costs. Similarly, I do not recall any serious reservations on the proposed Logistic Support Agreement (LSA), which was based on reciprocity and consideration on a case by case basis, with neither side having any automatic rights or obligations. Even without its finalisation, the US extended facilities envisaged in the LSA which enabled our Navy to evacuate our nationals from Lebanon. Both India and US should consider resuming the dialogue in finalizing these agreements without either side going back on formulations agreed to earlier. It is high time that we had a more objective and less ideological analysis of the pros and cons in obtaining the best globally available weapon systems for our armed forces and other national security agencies..</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> There is growing recognition in both countries that India will never be an ally, in the traditional sense, of the US or any other country. We would, however, be reliable strategic partners, on the basis of mutual benefit and on the convergence of our interests. As between partners, our views or approaches may not always coincide. Neither side can expect the other to exercise a veto on relations with a third country or see eye to eye on all multilateral issues. Yet both countries can expect the other to take its interests into consideration while formulating policies.</span></div><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent; color: black; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 14pt; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"> India-US relations have not yet reached a stage where it can be self-sustaining and can be put on auto-pilot. Both countries are changing and so is the world. The relationship has, however, been dramatically transformed and matured in recent years. Personal relations between Presidents Clinton, Bush and Obama with their Indian counterparts, Prime Ministers Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, have played an important role in this process. The visit of President Obama to India has not only consolidated our relationship, but raised it to a qualitatively higher level. Both countries will have to assure the fulfillment of all commitments and maintain the momentum of the relationship.</span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-73486502427060468752010-12-24T12:32:00.001+05:302010-12-24T12:40:35.765+05:30Track 2 and Back Channel Diplomacy in India-Pakistan Relations<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhoHx03y4MNH-Hu2aIwXLXusPDGpWcMXLf2rk2UA_Bzun3V-Xx9KxPeLhGZA09jhaD8VUKdEh5NtNd3mfnlxL3x9UbEjkwEiOjT0PiYvVU7JAIOE67wgnNmskA1MqV1BLhURRODEd5_eWU/s1600/g+parthasarthy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhoHx03y4MNH-Hu2aIwXLXusPDGpWcMXLf2rk2UA_Bzun3V-Xx9KxPeLhGZA09jhaD8VUKdEh5NtNd3mfnlxL3x9UbEjkwEiOjT0PiYvVU7JAIOE67wgnNmskA1MqV1BLhURRODEd5_eWU/s1600/g+parthasarthy.jpg" /></a></div><br />
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Track 2 and Back Channel Diplomacy in India-Pakistan Relations.<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">By G Parthasarathy<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Traditional Diplomacy has, for centuries, involved talks in closed chambers between the rulers of countries, or their designated representatives, to resolve differences, forge alliances and put in place new architecture for cooperation and coexistence, after conflicts. But, in the contemporary world, civil society activists, academics, politicians, corporate business representatives and persons well versed in the conduct of international relations play an increasingly important role in influencing and moulding the foreign and security policies of nations. In the present day, therefore, contacts between designated Government representatives are very often complemented by inputs resulting from meetings between non-official representatives of countries. On many occasions, when Governments wish to avoid publicity, or seek to informally ascertain the positions of others, before entering into the realm of official and formal talks, they utilize informal channels, using trusted and reliable individuals and institutions for planning out their negotiating strategies. Equally, when civil society institutions feel adequately concerned about situations getting out of hand, they take the initiative for contacting counterparts abroad, to ascertain whether they can contribute to easing tensions, or promoting cooperation. Such moves are the basis for what is now popularly known as Track 2 Diplomacy.<br />
<a name='more'></a><o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Track 2 Diplomacy has an invaluable role to play when traditional instruments of negotiation, mediation and conflict management become ineffective and need to be supplemented. In some cases, the causes of the conflict are so deep rooted that official negotiators do not have negotiating room politically, to seek de-escalation or resolution. This is especially so, when a society may be too divided to permit bold initiatives for de-escalation, or the conflict itself may be intertwined with other global or regional conflicts. Traditional negotiation and mediation may be suited for resolving issues like power sharing, poverty and equitable distribution of resources and wealth. But on issues where the very identity of nations are involved, as in the case of Jammu and Kashmir, it is necessary to have mechanisms and groups which can seek to change the parameters of existing discourse, by influencing public opinion on the need to look at imaginative alternatives to what is regarded as conventional wisdom. But it is important, here, to emphasize the limitations of such efforts and initiatives, especially when important and influential sections of State machinery develop a vested interest in perpetuating, promoting and prolonging differences, tensions and conflict.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Track 2 meetings between India and Pakistan came to public attention when the international focus of attention on Jammu and Kashmir increased in the 1990s, and separatist sentiment in the Kashmir Valley became a focus of international attention. The first attempt at a Track 2 approach to problems in Jammu and Kashmir was undertaken by the U.S. based Kashmir Study Group, headed by an American national who originally lived in Srinagar, Farookh Kathwari. Prominent American and Pakistani diplomats were associated with this effort, with India being represented by former Foreign Secretary S.K. Singh and former Vice Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Nayyar. Given the then prevailing situation of widespread Pakistan sponsored militancy, the antipathy of the US State Department and indeed the Clinton Administration towards India and the absence of any formal dialogue process after Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto ended dialogue with India in 1994, this effort could make little headway, as its thrust was seen as being insensitive to Indian concerns and imperatives. It was quite evident that the time was not propitious for any meaningful and new political approach, as the Pakistan army, and even sections of political establishment evidently believed that India would wilt under the pressure of American antipathy and the escalating and seemingly endless militancy, which appeared to enjoy support widely in the Kashmir valley.<o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Following the Kargil conflict and the tensions that followed the attack on the Indian Parliament, on December 13, 2001, President Musharraf and Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee agreed on January 6, 2004 that they would resume the “Composite Dialogue Process” between India and Pakistan, based on an explicit assurance from President Musharraf that he would not allow “territory under Pakistan’s control” to be used for terrorism against India. President Musharraf’s assurance came in the aftermath of terrorist strikes in New York and Washington on September 9, 2001, after he had been forced to ban groups like the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lashkar e Taiba</i> and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jaish e Mohammed</i> by American actions, which led to the U.N. Security Council banning these groups as international terrorist organizations, under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1373. Moreover, President Musharraf’s actions against these groups was taken after the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jaish e Mohammed</i> attempted to assassinate him, leading to the former Director General of the ISI Lieutenant General Javed Ashraf Qazi admitting to the Pakistan Senate in March 2004 that the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jaish </i>was responsible not only for attempts to assassinate President Musharraf, but also for the attack on the Indian Parliament. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">The improving climate for bilateral relations led to the Nobel Prize winning Pugwash International organizing an important Track 2 meeting in Kathmandu in December 2004. This meeting brought together, for the first time, politicians, journalists and civil society representatives from both sides of the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir, together with former diplomats, military officials and journalists from across India and Pakistan. While the representatives from Pakistan Occupied Kashmir included the President of the Muslim Conference Sardar Attique Khan, the Pakistan Government did not permit representatives from the Northern Areas of Gilgit-Baltistan to participate, quite evidently because of concerns that these representatives would speak out against the denial of any meaningful freedoms to them. In contrast, the representatives from Jammu and Kashmir who participated in the dialogue ranged from separatist leader Sajjad Lone to the leader of the Panthers Party Mr. Bhim Singh. From the Indian side with whom I participated, were Mr. Hamid Ansari, now the Vice President of India and Mr. Satinder Lambah who was subsequently appointed as the Indian representative in the extensive “back channel” negotiations, which focused predominantly on evolving a framework to resolve the Kashmir issue. <o:p></o:p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;"> The Pugwash Report issued after the December 2004 meeting noted that although no consensus was reached in identifying the starting point for evolving conflict resolution mechanisms, all participants acknowledged that the human dimension of the conflict should take priority over geo-strategic considerations. Key approaches were developed by some participants, stressing the need for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">‘change’</i> mainly in developing a people-centred approach and making the human dimension of the Kashmir problem part and parcel of the political dialogue at all levels.</span><span style="color: black;"> Some participants also felt that <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">‘time’</i> is a fundamental factor in establishing a durable peace between India and Pakistan, but most importantly for the whole of Kashmir, in its regional environment. What is needed, it was felt, is a prolonged period of non-violence, coupled with genuine social and economic reforms that could deflate a great number of problems and help establish a durable and sustainable peace. One cannot expect a society to shift instantly from profound trauma to peace, the report emphasized. At the outset, there seemed to be much agreement that the UN Resolutions proposing a plebiscite to express the political choices of Kashmiris, of acceding to either India or Pakistan, was now obsolete. The need for developing a multi-level approach was generally agreed to by the participants, stressing the need for an intra-Kashmiri dialogue and process of reconciliation within both sides of Jammu and Kashmir and across the Line of Control; and between people of Jammu and Kashmir and both capitals. To that end, while participants appreciated the efforts of both India and Pakistan to sustain a composite dialogue, it was nonetheless emphasized that the bilateral process should arrive at Kashmiri-specific CBMs. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">A general consensus developed at meeting that all forms of violence should end, irrespective of their form or origin.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">Civil society throughout the state should de-legitimize violence through massive demonstrations.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">Whereas the ceasefire between Pakistan and India on the LoC was already paying dividends, the cease-fire should be extended within J&K.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">Proselytizing should be banned; training camps and recruitment networks should be dismantled. All parties and individuals should refrain from statements and actions that incite or promote hatred and violence. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify; text-indent: .25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">In terms of specific measures to be implemented across the Line of Control and within both Indian and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, the following measures were recommended:</span><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div><ul type="disc"><li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">Bus services should be activated linking different parts of the state.</span><o:p></o:p></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">Multiple land routes should be opened or constructed within J&K and across the LoC and infrastructure should be developed to link all parts of J&K to the rest of the region.</span><o:p></o:p></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">Border markets and meeting points could be set up at possible crossing-points along the LoC, for example at Neelam Valley and at Uri-Chakhoti.</span><o:p></o:p></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">Trade in goods and services should be developed across the LoC and at a regional level.</span><o:p></o:p></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">Kashmir’s water resources should be the subject of closer studies and in depth discussions, as the State holds a great potential to benefit itself and the whole region.</span><o:p></o:p></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB">It would be desirable to identify and initiate joint developmental and environment projects in areas of mutual interest across the LoC</span><o:p></o:p></li>
</ul><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: black;"> The dialogue between representatives from both sides of the LOC also led to participants welcoming the reduction of security forces in Jammu and Kashmir and hoped that a continuation of the process of normalization would lead to further reduction of forces. It was also stressed that basic political freedoms are necessary in Pakistan Administered Kashmir so that no military overt or covert operations can gratuitously hijack the dialogue and peace process by making use of these areas.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">The cease-fire should be extended and maintained within the State, and should be accompanied by the de-mining of border areas in order to facilitate people-to-people initiatives and the overall strengthening of CBMs.</span><span style="color: black;"> It was agreed that the role of various intelligence agencies operating in J&K was generally perceived as distorting people’s wishes, creating fear psychosis and working against people’s interests. Such conduct could only undermine the long-term viability of a solution to the J&K issue.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: black;"> The Pugwash meeting in Kathmandu took place when a cease fire was in place along the Line of Control and the some of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jihadi g</i>roups (other than the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lashkar e Taiba</i>) were threatening Pakistan’s rulers in the aftermath of the American led Operation Enduring Freedom” in Afghanistan, which ousted the Taliban Regime, using facilities provided on Pakistani territory. President Musharraf appeared to have calculated that while he would not entirely defang the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jihadi</i> groups, he would be well advised to seek progress in reducing tensions on Pakistan’s eastern borders, by seeking more innovative ways to address differences on Jammu and Kashmir. In the meantime, the Kashmir Study Group in Washington came out with a new proposal in February 2005 which proposed a solution to the issue of J&K on the basis of self-governance and demilitarization. A number of Track 2 initiatives by institutions like the Jamia Millia Islamia University and the Observer Research Foundation led to substantively increased civil society interaction and visits across the LOC by prominent leaders from Pakistan Occupied Kashmir like veteran Muslim Conference leader Sardar Qayyum Khan, and even leaders from Groups like the Gilgit-Baltistan Democratic Alliance in the Northern Areas. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;"><span style="color: black;"> These developments came alongside the establishment of a “back channel” comprising initially National Security Advised J.N. Dixit on the one side and President Musharraf’s aide Tariq Aziz on the other. Following Mr. Dixit’s demise in 2005 his position was taken over by Special Envoy Satinder Lambah who held around 15 rounds of negotiations with his counterpart between 2005 and 2007.These negotiations evidently flowed from proposals articulated by President Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.</span> President Musharraf proposed that:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;"> (1) J&K should be divided into seven regions.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;">(2) There should be a process of “demilitarization” in identified regions. He subsequently asked for the withdrawal of Indian forces from three urban centres-Srinagar, Kupwara and Baramulla.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;">(3) There should be “self-governance” in Jammu and Kashmir. He did not indicate whether this would be equally applicable to Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and the Northern Areas of J&K, under Pakistan’s control.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;">(4) India and Pakistan should agree to “Joint Management” of the State. He did not specify whether “Joint Management” would equally apply to POK and the Northern Areas.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in turn, outlined his vision on how to move forward in resolving the issue of Jammu and Kashmir on March 24, 2006. Dr. Singh made the following points:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; tab-stops: list .75in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">(1)<span style="font: normal normal normal 7pt/normal 'Times New Roman';"> </span>Borders cannot be redrawn but we can move towards making them irrelevant-towards making them “just lines on a map”.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; tab-stops: list .75in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">(2)<span style="font: normal normal normal 7pt/normal 'Times New Roman';"> </span>People on both sides of the Line of Control (LOC) should be able to move freely and trade with each other.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo2; tab-stops: list .75in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">(3)<span style="font: normal normal normal 7pt/normal 'Times New Roman';"> </span>A situation can be envisaged where the two parts of Jammu and Kashmir can, with active encouragement from the Governments of India and Pakistan, work out cooperative and consultative mechanisms, so as to maximize the gains of cooperation in solving problems of social and economic development of the region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">While the discussions on Jammu and Kashmir were conducted on a “back channel” with a substantial measure of secrecy, there have been indications from reports in the media and in comments by Pakistan’ former Foreign Minister Mr. Khurshid Kasuri that there had been significant progress in finding common ground on proposals made by the two sides. Speaking to a gathering during his visit to India in 2006, Mr. Kasuri called on opposition leaders in India to support the efforts, which were underway to resolve that issue of Jammu and Kashmir, while asserting that differences had been significantly narrowed. While the exact contours of the framework which were then discussed are not known publicly, reports in the media indicate that there was agreement on harmonizing the nature of self-governance and devolution of powers on both sides of the Line of Control. Responding to General Musharraf’s proposal for “demilitarization,” India had indicated its readiness to reduce and redeploy forces in Jammu and Kashmir on a reciprocal basis, once it is reassured that there is an irrevocable end to infiltration across the Line of Control. There also appears to have been understanding on the need for mechanisms and institutions to promote cooperation in areas like trade, travel, tourism, education, health, environment and water resources. Details of what reportedly transpired in “back channel” negotiations were also published by an article in the New Yorker Magazine by Steve Coll. Much will depend on the political climate in the two countries and the prospects for political consensus within India and Pakistan, for this process to resume from where it was halted in 2007, because of the domestic political uncertainty and transition in Pakistan.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;"> There have been a series of measures to promote travel, trade and dialogue across the LOC after the Pugwash Meeting of 2004. For the first time after five decades, people in Jammu and Kashmir are being given facilities to travel across the LOC to meet friends and relatives. In the Kashmir valley, a bus service has been instituted between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad and in the Jammu Region, between Poonch and Rawalkot. Five crossing points have, in addition, been opened to enable people to meet friends and relatives across the LOC. Trade across the LOC has been permitted for the first time, with goods carried by trucks on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad road. There are also proposals under discussion to establish bus links between Jammu and Sialkot in the Jammu Region and between Kargil and Skardu linking the valley of Kashmir with the Northern Areas, under Pakistan’s control. While the goods presently traded are restricted to locally produced products, this trade can be vastly expanded as India and Pakistan move towards their stated goal of establishing a South Asian Economic Union. There are, however, still misgivings and grievances that despite the new openings for trade and travel, the procedures for such cross LOC links have been made so cumbersome and restrictive that there are numerous complaints from people, who find permission to travel either delayed, or effectively denied. Many of these confidence building measures figured in recommendations made during the Pugwash meeting in Kathmandu and several other Track 2 meetings held between 2004 and 2007.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: black;">During subsequent meeting organized by the Pugwash International in Islamabad in March 2006 in which participants from India included not only separatist leaders but also representatives from mainstream Parties like Mr. Omar Abdullah, there was widespread agreement on the need for carrying the ongoing peace process in which people from both sides of the Loc participated. This Conference focused attention on: “Prospects for self-governance in Jammu and Kashmir and Present Status of Cooperation and Communications across the LoC”. There was an interesting question and answer session when participants met President Musharraf. There was recognition that considerable ground needed to be covered on more clearly outlining the parameters of what precisely would emerge from the principles like self-governance, demilitarization and an irrevocable end to terrorism. Interestingly, President Musharraf referred to his proposals for demilitarisation and self-governance. He told participants that “an ultimate solution on these lines would make the Loc irrelevant,” thereby signalling his move away from Pakistan’s traditional position of demanding a plebiscite in accordance with UN Resolutions and endorsing Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s belief that while borders could not be changed, they could be made “irrelevant”.</span><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Political turmoil in Pakistan following the dismissal of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhury, the attack on the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lal Masjid</i> in Islamabad and growing terrorist attacks within Pakistan, resulted in the suspension of “back channel” meetings in 2007. India Pakistan relations thereafter, went into a tailspin, following the 26/11 terrorist attack on Mumbai. Under pressure from the military establishment the newly elected Government led by Prime Minster Gilani has disowned the agreements reached in back channel negotiations between the two Governments in 2005-2007, though former Foreign Secretary Riaz Mohammed Khan has been appointed as a successor to Tariq Aziz. The climate for relations has been further vitiated by terrorist attacks, reliably reported to have been undertaken with backing and support of the ISI on the Indian Embassy in Kabul and on other Indian interests in Afghanistan. Meetings between the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of India and Pakistan have ended in controversy with India insisting on meaningful action being taken by Pakistan to bring the perpetrators of 26/11 to Justice and more and more evidence emerging that the Pakistan military establishment continues to be recalcitrant on this score. There is now growing evidence confirming that Pakistan’s present Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani is forcing the weak civilian Government to adopt a hard line and recalcitrant posture towards India and keeping options open for terrorist strikes on Indian soil and on Indian interests in Afghanistan.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">Despite these serious differences between the two Governments, there has been a continuing series of Track 2 engagements between India and Pakistan. There is little doubt that participants from both sides keep their respective Governments informed of thinking in different circles in the neighbouring country. Moreover, there has now been an increasing focus of attention in such meetings on whether political and diplomatic space exists to move away from adversarial positions on developments in Afghanistan. Interestingly, countries like the US, UK and Canada which have forces deployed in Afghanistan appear to be growingly interested in seeing if some common ground can be found for India and Pakistan to agree to a measure of cooperation, by understanding and addressing each other’s basic security concerns on developments in Afghanistan. Interestingly, at a recent Tack 2 meeting organized by the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi and the Jinnah Institute in Karachi, the participants who included former Pakistan Information Minister and PPP leader Sherry Rehman agreed that the aspirations of the Afghan people for stability should be fulfilled as soon as possible within an “Afghan owned multi-ethnic and broad based framework.” While it is evident that given the Pakistan army establishment’s obsession with aiding and abetting the Taliban, it will take considerable effort to get the army to quit interfering in Afghanistan’s internal affairs, the exchanges on Track 2 do provide an opening to let the international community and sections of public opinion in Pakistan know where India stands on developments in Afghanistan. At the present moment, the Pakistani media and even some of their diplomats, not to speak of former army officials like Generals Aslam Beg and Hamid Gul, put out baseless and fanciful statements and reports about India allegedly having over a dozen Consulates in Afghanistan and alleging that there are thousands of Indian military personnel being deployed there.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">An interesting feature of the Track 2 meetings has been that in unofficial settings, where participants get to know each other on an informal and relaxed basis, one gets a more informal and realistic insight into thinking in different sections of society and different strands of political and public opinion. In the recent Track 2 meeting in Bangkok on August 28-30, organized by the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in India and the Jinnah Institute in Karachi, there was a very frank discussion on Jammu and Kashmir. The meeting came at a time when the Pakistan Government had not only disowned what had transpired in “Back Channel” meetings, but also expressed reluctance to resume “Back Chanel” talks. Despite this, the Pakistani participants agreed that “New Delhi and Islamabad should consider activating the back channel on Jammu and Kashmir to complement bilateral talks’. Moreover, while the Pakistan Government has taken the position that Confidence Building Measures are no substitute for a “result oriented” dialogue on Jammu and Kashmir, the Pakistani participants agreed that India and Pakistan should “implement in letter and spirit, the series of existing Confidence Building Measures, particularly those relating to easing travel and trade across the Line of Control. The security establishments in both India and Pakistan have been averse to seeing these CBMs implemented in letter and spirit. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"> It must be mentioned that Track 2 dialogue between India and Pakistan evokes interest not just in India and Pakistan, but also internationally. I have attended Track dialogues with Pakistani participants organized by influential foreign thin tanks in cities ranging from Bangkok, Colombo, Dubai and Moscow to Berlin, Brussels, London and Washington. The meetings in Brussels, for example, were very useful in moulding opinion in the European Parliament on developments in Jammu and Kashmir and the contours of a possible settlement to the vexed issue. On May 24, 2007 the European Parliament passed a Resolution which noted that<span style="color: #666666;"> Gilgit and Baltistan, suffers from extreme poverty and neglect, with enormous deficiencies in basic literacy and in access to healthcare, a lack of democratic structures and major deficiencies in the rule of law and justice. The Resolution also noted that there is considerable evidence that over many years Pakistan has provided Kashmiri militants with training, weapons, funding and sanctuary and has failed to hold militants for atrocities they have committed on the Indian-administered side. The Resolution welcomed the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s “ideas related to making boundaries permanently irrelevant, a system of self-governance, and institutional arrangements for joint or cooperative management”. It strongly encouraged both India and Pakistan to further explore these concepts in joint discussions and with Kashmiris on both sides of the LoC and in Gilgit and Baltistan. This Resolution was welcomed in India and was seen as a setback to Pakistan’s frenzied diplomatic efforts in Europe to get India condemned for alleged human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir, while demanding a solution based on defunct UN Resolutions. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #666666;"> This paper primarily gives an idea of what transpired in Track 2 meetings the author was associated with. It is, however, heartening that as the number of academic institutions and private and Government funded Think Tanks taking an increasing interest in issues of foreign policy and national security in India has grown, a large number of forums have now emerged in India and abroad promoting Track 2 exchanges on issues related to India-Pakistan relations. Some of the forums for Track 2 meetings include the Observer Research Foundation, the Jamia Milia Islamia University, the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies in New Delhi, the Delhi Policy Group, the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation in Gurgaon and the Centre for Rural and Integrated Development in Chandigarh. Moreover, even Track 2 meetings covering wider issues of foreign and national security policies almost invariably include a session where reference is made to India-Pakistan relations. Our active participation in such meetings has helped to promote better understanding on issues pertaining to our relations with Pakistan. But, in an ultimate analysis, decisions on such issues are predominantly influenced by domestic political, geopolitical and national security considerations. The Track 2 process can primarily seek avenues to share concerns, correct misperceptions, bridge differences, influence public opinion and keep channels of communication open. <o:p></o:p></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-52080907700674317122010-10-26T18:11:00.000+05:302010-10-26T18:11:26.736+05:30Politics of Multilateralism: The Geneva Story by Amb. Swashpawan Singh<div style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" nx="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgua9PP2cchPh9noeJLLolrbpJ9xCTpXDExZzTeIeTS_SeTI29drLcniX_pcnwPMaS_jCxTvXhL_WQ2Of5nGrPnh8ZU0A0ak7dG070yzdobkXBkacxmIhw5XflT_nrkw3jmlAruLtxN3rg/s1600/swashpawan+singh.jpg" /></div><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">Swashpawan Singh</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;">Professor Tyagi, distinguished guests and friends,</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As we observe United Nations Day and meet to recall its many achievements and its limitations, I consider it an honour to have been invited by the School of International Studies of this venerated University, to share with you my thoughts on ”The Politics of Multilateralism: The Geneva Story”.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I recall with nostalgia and much pleasure, my brief association with SIS as part of the program of training as a young Foreign Service Probationer in 1975. It was in the old campus. We had the opportunity of being tutored by a faculty of renowned scholars. They told us about how the world was structured, what India’s place in it was, and how the aspirations of a young nation state, which was also an ancient civilization, could be realised. Their discourse was inspiring, rooted in a vision of a better world that would be more equitable, more inclusive, free, peaceful and democratic. One in which the historical injustices of colonialism would be addressed and sustainable development promoted. It was a vision imbued with idealism and hope and in which the United Nations and other multilateral institutions would play a leading and positive role.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There was a basis for this optimism in the mid seventies. The United Nations had done well. It had assisted in bringing about decolonisation and an end to apartheid. It had created normative principles to regulate international conduct. It had addressed issues such as disarmament, social development, gender equality, population, food and water and a host of problems which were directly relevant for the developing world. Common transnational services related to civil aviation, maritime regulations, health, telecommunications, postal systems, refugees, world weather and food security among others, were the global public goods that had been contributed by the UN multilateral system. New ways of addressing the inequities of the international economic system were studied and creative solutions were proposed, some even implemented (General system of preferences, commodity fund, special drawing rights etc). The sense of idealism was reinforced.</div><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In fact the United Nations Organisation was born out of a deep and abiding sense of hope and idealism on 24th October, 1945. It was the successor to the League of Nations, which was established following the end of the First World War in 1919, to maintain international peace and stability. The United Nations Organisation had the same declared objective. It was the hope that this common forum, crafted through consultations and based on a Charter would ensure peace, promote development and disarmament. There was the belief that a powerful new organisation had been created which would right wrongs, remove injustices and protect the sovereign rights of nation states, while ensuring that the human rights of all would be safeguarded. After the trauma of the Second World War and the depredations of colonialism there was a deeply felt need for healing the world and restoring the values of a higher common good.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But our seasoned teachers at the SIS in 1975 were also realists and understood well the limitations of the UN and other multilateral institutions. They were aware that the UN was a voluntary association of sovereign nation states, each with its own history, geographical location, size, population, resource endowment, power potential, level of development and political system. These sovereign States had their own aspirations and had sought membership of the UN in their perceived self-interest. They were also aware that the UN was a concept first proposed by President Franklin Roosevelt in 1941, even before the US formally entered the Second World War. The Atlantic Charter (August 1941) and the discussions amongst the Allied powers led to the San Francisco Conference of April 1945, with delegations from 50 countries participating. They had already decided on the broad framework of the proposed organisation, including the right of veto for themselves, before they met in San Francisco. The power structure of the new organisation clearly reflected the power realities of the world after the Second World War. The DNA of the Western powers had found a privileged place in the UNO; it was dominated by the victors of the War. We were cautioned by our teachers that politics is about power and international organisations, including the UN, are modalities fashioned to further and facilitate the pursuit of power in economic and political terms.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Much has changed in the world since the mid seventies, but the underlying reality of the power lesson we were taught remains true. If anything the intervening years have eroded the effectiveness of the UN and its institutions, and the need for reform has never been more urgent. The world has changed, new power realities have emerged, several new regional and trans-regional groupings have come into being, but much in the hallowed precincts of the United Nations remains unaltered. The UN has grown in size, in the scope of issues it addresses, in its geographical spread, in the number of conferences and meetings organised, in the number of personnel it employs, but its effectiveness and its ability to deliver remain a matter of concern. The need for reform is widely recognised and several efforts have been made to change methods of work, procedures, financing arrangements, delivery mechanisms and accountability criteria, but the outcomes have been less than satisfactory. What is required is a structural and systemic reform, and that has still to happen. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The most recent effort made to review and revise the functioning of the UN was initiated in 2003. A High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change was set up and after a full year of deliberation, submitted its report in December 2004. Based on this the then UN Secretary General Mr. Kofi Anan presented his own report titled “In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All”, to a mixed response. Some saw it as a sell out to the dominant world view of the developed nations others considered it a realistic assessment of how the real world worked and what was possible given the limitations of the UN as an organisation. The Secretary General struck a pragmatic note when he said that he had limited himself to items on which he believed “action is both vital and achievable in the coming months. These are reforms that are within reach – reforms that are actionable.” At the World Summit in September 2005 it had been decided that the three pillars of the United Nations were development, peace and security, and human rights; and that they were interlinked and mutually reinforcing. Without strength in all, there would be strength in none. These therefore became the priority objectives of the reform process. The Development pillar was largely seen as achieving the Millennium Development goals by 2015. The Human rights pillar was the creation of the new Human Rights Council. The Peace and Security pillar the setting up of the Peace Building Commission, the Peace Building Fund and the Democracy Fund.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is against this background and over view that I will begin the Geneva Story. I speak to you today as a practitioner of diplomacy, as one who has had the honour and privilege of representing India as its Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN Offices in Geneva. I bring to you the perspective from the trenches, as it were. I will try to give you a flavour of the day to day practice of diplomacy, which is conducted within a formal and often anachronistic system, driven by national self interest, cloaked in the high sounding rhetoric of universality, common good and the collective benefit of all humanity. It has all the trappings and grandeur of a tribal conclave. It has a complex and complicated procedural system, with its own arcane ritual of indirection and constructive ambiguity. Much of the real work is done in the corridors, or at the Serpentine Bar (symbolically named to reflect the nature of some of the exchanges), or at numerous breakfasts, lunches and dinners (where the invitees are carefully selected, depending upon the subject to be discussed and suitably seated to further the cause and the conspiracy). Eating for the nation is one of the more demanding responsibilities of Ambassadors in multilateral assignments. They usually become personages of substance. They add weight to their frames, more often than to their arguments and statements. But they soldier on regardless. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">But more seriously, Geneva is at the core of both the development and human rights pillars of the UN. New York is the head quarters of the UN, where the peace and security issues are dealt with, where the politics really happens, where power is exercised. The General Assembly and the six Committees meet and deliberate there. Those who live and work in the UN in New York look upon the specialised agencies, and other outlying organisations, as subordinate manifestations which must report to and be supervised by, one or the other of the New York based Committees. But the view from Geneva is different. Diplomats and the UN staff of the organisations in Geneva claim to do the real hard work relating to developmental and human rights issues. The fact however, remains that it is New York that controls the purse strings and approves the budgets, and in a real sense that is where the power lies.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A large number of Subsidiary Bodies, Specialised Agencies and Other Entities of the UN are located in Geneva. These are: UNCTAD (UN Conference on Trade and Development); ITC (International Trade Centre); UNHCR (UN High Commissioner for Refugees); UNITAR (UN Institute for Training and Research); UNRISD (UN Research Institute for Social Development); OHCHR (Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights); UNAIDS (UN Programme on HIV/AIDS); ILO (International Labour Organisation); WHO (World Health Organisation); ITU (International Telecommunication Union); UPU (Universal Postal Union); WMO (World Meteorological Organisation); WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organisation); HRC (Human Rights Council); OCHA ( Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs); CD (Conference on Disarmament). In addition there are other Inter Governmental Organisations like IPU (International Parliamentary Union); Global Fund; IMO (International Migration Organisation); IPCC (Inter Governmental Panel on Climate Change); WTO (World Trade Organisation) apart from Treaty Bodies and ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) and several others.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Their number and the range of subjects they cover are extensive and varied. There are several cross cutting issues that are at the heart of international concern that are deliberated upon and actions proposed in these organisations. Public health, pandemics, migration, human rights, Intellectual property, refugees, telecommunication, climate change, disaster and humanitarian relief are just a few of them. These organisations have over the years acquired expertise and domain knowledge that is global in its coverage, based on extensive field visits and resources of their regional and country offices. They publish annual reports, periodic reviews and specific studies that constitute a large body of knowledge and practical information that is of use to Member States, field and project personnel, apart from academics and students. They are in effect a resource made available for the benefit of the Member States, who must deliberate and decide how to utilise their knowledge base and the skill of their experts. It is in defining the objectives, in the allocation of financial resources, in the choice of experts and in the functional and regional priorities that the politics of multilateralism begins to play an important role. This happens at the normative level, in the choice of projects, in the importance assigned to specific regions and countries, in the amount of donor funding made available and the conditions often imposed on recipient States.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Before I illustrate this with specific examples from a few organisations, let me first define the larger political context in which Member States interact with UN organisations and what their objectives are. Broadly speaking all these organisations seek to define international norms that would constitute codes of conduct accepted by Member States either as soft law, legally binding instruments or through a process of voluntary adherence. These could be in the form of Treaties, Protocols, Conventions or consensus resolutions. These would entail obligations which Member States would then seek to implement within their own nation States, through domestic legislation or regulations. This constitutes the norm setting objective.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is also the developmental objective, in which specific areas are identified for capacity building, through human resource development initiatives, provision of expertise and equipment, technical assistance and transfer of technology. This should normally be demand driven, where the receiving State would identify priorities and seek specific assistance to which the organisations and donor entities would respond. These could be in the areas of public health, poverty alleviation, education, disaster relief and humanitarian assistance. But in several cases these are also driven by donors and the UN Organisation itself, depending upon their assessments and often the vested political interests that govern these decisions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There has been a significant change in the way the developed countries have come to look upon the UN and its functioning. There has been a decline in multilateralism. The UN’s Charter functions in the area of money, finance, trade, external indebtedness and development strategy have been transferred to the IMF, World Bank and WTO. In these bodies, the major economic powers, because of their voting power or the power of retaliation (WTO), have come to dominate decision making in these vital areas. In the area of development the focus is on the economic and social problems of developing countries and their internal governance issues. Here too, in the name of globalisation, the thrust is on encouraging open markets, foreign investment, lowering tariffs and reducing the role of the State. The UN’s mode of functioning has also changed. From being a negotiating forum on hard economic issues, where substantive legally binding commitments were undertaken, it has now become a forum for the exchange of views, and where experts are invited to educate delegates and analyse global economic and social trends for their edification.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Another important, and in some ways a game changing development, relates to the funding of the UN. The UN finds itself starved of adequate and predictable funding. Dues have been withheld, budgetary restrictions have been imposed and assessed contributions today account for a small percentage of the total expenditure of the UN. The proportion of voluntary funding has grown dramatically and today provides between seventy to eighty percent of the total. This device has been used by the major powers to impose their own priorities on the UN organisations and to dominate its budgeting, accounting and administrative apparatus. This has resulted in the dilution of the UN’s global regulatory and norm setting activities.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There are in addition some practical and structural constraints which influence the role and effectiveness of the developing countries. On most issues of importance it is the developed countries that take the initiative and present the first drafts. They establish the primary discourse, which becomes the basis for consideration, discussion and subsequent negotiation. They have the first mover advantage. The size and level of their diplomatic representation gives them an edge in the amount of human resources they can commit to an issue. Back up support from their capitals, including the deployment of experts at short notice, makes their effort more effective and professional. On specific technical issues relating to broadcasting, treatment protocols in medicine, climate change, telecommunication and meteorology they are able to field a range of experts from industry, academia and government. They can ensure continuity by deploying the same set of officials and experts over extended periods of time. Experts that are familiar with the issues, have seen how the negotiations have developed, understand the multilateral negotiating process and its niceties and are clear about their objectives. For a whole set of reasons the developing countries are unable to meet these requirements and therefore remain at a disadvantage. This makes their negotiating strategy one of damage control and attempts to dilute the negative contents of the primary draft. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The convention of Regional Groups (Asian, African, GRULAC, WEOG, Eastern Europe), Groups representing OIC, Non-aligned, Arab League and the EU regulates the process of discussion and negotiation within the UN organisations. There are in addition smaller informal groups (LMG), non-groups that are issue based and a large number of NGOs and representatives of Civil Society that keep a keen eye on developments in Geneva. There is the practice of High Level Segments in virtually all annual assemblies to which Ministers and other VIPs are invited from Member States. They make largely ceremonial speeches, which are webcast primarily for consumption in their home countries. But this ritual and ceremony is an essential part of the multilateral process and constitutes the public affirmation of political support for the UN and its organisations. It is considered a vital indicator of the importance attached to the organisation by the Member States and often its success is measured by the number and level of Ministerial participation. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On 19th June, 2006 at the opening ceremony of the newly formed United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, those present included the President of the General Assembly, the Secretary General, the President of the Council and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Also present was Ms Wangari Mathai, the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize laureate from Kenya, and a symbol of the presence of civil society to launch the new Council. After their speeches the well attended Ministerial High Level segment followed. It was a grand affair which heralded the setting up of the third pillar of the reform process which the Summit of 2005 had mandated. In the excitement and enthusiasm of the moment, difficulties of the negotiating process in the General Assembly, which had crafted and approved Resolution 60/251 on 15th March, 2006, were temporarily forgotten or deliberately glossed over.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Human Rights Council, as an institutional concept, had a somewhat difficult genesis. It was conceived as a new beginning for addressing human rights internationally and was premised on the perceived ineffectiveness of the outgoing Commission on Human Rights. For the United Nations to undertake such a major institutional initiative was itself a break from tradition. The Commission on Human Rights had been considered ineffective and held responsible for various acts of omission and commission by a variety of Member States. It also came in, some felt unfairly, for trenchant criticism by senior members of the UN Secretariat itself. It was, therefore, believed that the Human Rights Council would constitute a significant departure from the former Commission and address several of its perceived inadequacies. After detailed and somewhat difficult negotiations in New York, the Resolution creating the Human Rights Council was carried by an overwhelming majority in the General Assembly. The Resolution emphasised transparency, inclusiveness, non-selectivity and a spirit of cooperation. It made a provision for a Universal Periodic Review, which was a new element that had not existed in the former Commission. It also mandated review of existing modalities, including mandates and emphasised the need to strengthen oversight by Member States and made a specific provision for special sessions. It also made the Human Rights Council virtually a standing body; to meet several times during the year. (The former Commission used to meet once a year for six weeks.) However, the Resolution left several important elements undefined and charged Member States in Geneva to negotiate the details and create an institutional infrastructure to implement the provisions of the Resolution. There was a general impression that the burden of institution-building had been transferred to Geneva. The ambiguities in the text of the Resolution lent themselves to a variety of interpretations. The devil was in the detail, and the detail had still to be worked on.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The concluding session of the Commission on Human Rights in March 2006 left several issues unresolved, and led to a general feeling that the first session of the Human Rights Council, in June 2006, would somehow find a way of addressing these issues. It was, however, unclear how this would happen. The largely ceremonial opening session, in June 2006, led several representatives of civil society and the media to be openly sceptical about the ability of the Member States in Geneva to create a viable Human Rights Council. It was alleged that there would be protection gaps, that Special Procedures would be undermined and that the process of institution building would be contentious, even acrimonious. It was believed that the differences amongst Member States were so sharp that they could not be reconciled and that evolving a consensus on institution building would be, not only difficult, but virtually impossible. The new Council was being written off even before it had come into being.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was against this background that the process of consultations began, with little or no clarity about the road ahead, or the institutional mechanisms to address institution building. Several group positions were articulated. There was a general sense that it was necessary to safeguard entrenched positions, since there was no way to know how the process would unfold. The holding of special sessions on Palestine and Lebanon added to the polarisation and created an atmosphere of doubt, even mistrust. It was only when a consensus resolution, in the special session on Darfur, had painstakingly and laboriously evolved that some sense of addressing the trust deficit became evident.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the midst of positions taken by different groups, it became necessary to create both the political and negotiating space to bridge differences and move incrementally to evolve common positions. It was in this context that the role of non-groups became increasingly important and provided an opportunity for India, to help address the concerns of various groups and find the basis for reconciliation and compromise. It increasingly became evident that even within groups there was a wide variety of views and a nuanced understanding of the need to evolve a consensus. The non-groups reinforced a sense of optimism and constantly underlined the collective benefits to all Member States, in constructing a structure for the Human Rights Council that would meet the needs and concerns of the largest number of Member States, consistent with the need to provide an international mechanism, for the protection and promotion of human rights.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Non-groups, in which India played an increasingly larger role, were by definition informal coalitions, changeable, flexible, pragmatic and constantly evolving, depending upon the issue and the concerns to be addressed. Over time, they became a useful resource for the facilitators and for the President, in the final run up to the consensus. They often played a catalysing role. The final consensus document was a finely balanced compromise. It was a collective effort and an organic process. There was no pre-determined outcome and all Member States learnt, as the process unfolded and found pragmatic solutions to often difficult and complex issues. The pluralism and diversity of the membership of the Human Rights Council, found its most effective expression in the contribution that non-groups were able to make in evolving the final consensus. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Human Rights Council is, in essence, a political body. Competing political interests jostle for influence and seek to determine outcomes. Group positions are assertively articulated. Developments in the real world impinge upon and distort the processes of the Council. Broad polarisations on selected issues persist. In the shadow of this overarching reality, the Human Rights Council endeavours to focus on its primary objective, of protecting and promoting human rights.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is a difference in perception between Western countries and the countries of the South, regarding the use or misuse of human rights instruments for political ends. It was feared by the South that the new Council would become a blunt instrument of punitive measures against vulnerable developing countries. They saw a lopsided focus on civil and political rights, lack of respect for religious and cultural diversity, imbalance between the promotion and protection aspects, donor driven working of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the multiplicity of special procedures and their coercive working methods. There was no effort on the part of the South to create a culture of impunity or acquiescence in the gross and consistent violations of human rights. They were in favour of addressing violations of human rights, wherever they occur, without resort to selectivity and political expediency.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the countries of the West it was important to refine and update a universal system of protection and promotion of human rights. They wanted to craft a system that would defend the universality of human rights and address actual human rights violations, wherever they occurred. They did not want the UN to become a mere forum for dialogue over human rights. They feared lack of compliance with commitments and obligations. They sought to highlight civil and political rights, with a special emphasis on freedom of expression, freedom of religion and worship (including the right not to believe), right to sexual preference and rights of women and children. They wanted the Special Procedures to be strict and demanding in their conduct and need for compliance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The long and laborious process of institution building, led ably by the first President of the Human Rights Council, Ambassador Luis Alfonso de Alba of Mexico, was completed just before midnight on 18th June, 2007, when the Human Rights Council, adopted by consensus, the final Presidential proposal on institution building. The Council had reached an agreement that was unexpected, given the divergence of positions and the resulting difficulties to find compromise solutions, on many of the key issues that deeply influenced the future of the body. It had taken thirty two weeks of negotiations to reach a solution acceptable to the 47 elected members of the Council. But the consensus was not without dramatic developments in the last twenty four hours. China and Poland held out on two substantive procedural issues. Several meetings were held through the day. By the end of the afternoon, the negotiations took a turn for the worse. At 6 pm the President of the Council called an emergency meeting of ten Ambassadors, including those of the European Union, Russia, India, Pakistan, Algeria, Cuba and Switzerland. He decided to present a package for acceptance, without amendment, to see if it would fly or fail. It was a dangerous tactic, but it was a calculated risk. There followed a flurry of informal consultations, efforts to persuade and caution those who were holding out, of the damage that would ensue if the carefully crafted consensus were now to break down. Capitals were spoken to, bilateral interventions at the political level followed and the tension rose. It was literally at two minutes to midnight that a solution was found. The Chinese Foreign Minister had from Beijing, over the phone, given the green light and the consensus had prevailed. There was a collective sigh of relief. The Presidents package was approved by acclamation and the clapping did not stop for several minutes. It was a close call, but Geneva had delivered and made up for the inadequacies of the Resolution that the General Assembly from New York had sent.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I have dwelt on the Human Rights Council at some length, since this is the most politically sensitive of the UN bodies in Geneva. The Council deals with subjects that are of importance for the media, for civil society organisations and for governments back home. Developed countries must raise human rights issues that are both thematic and country specific, under pressure from their elected representatives and NGOs. Developing countries must protect themselves from harsh criticism or focussed attention by Special Procedures that examine the alleged human rights violations and recommend remedies. These play poorly in the media at home and draw adverse attention to the performance of incumbent Governments. So as a matter of practice most Ambassadors attend personally to the developments in the Human Rights Council and ensure that their national interest is safeguarded and their capitals don’t get exercised over the reports in the media or the comments of NGOs. Earlier, this caution and care was needed only during the six weeks when the Commission was in place, for that is how long the session lasted. Now with the Council a virtual standing body this caution must last round the year. Even worse, developments in the real world lead to the calling of special sessions, and these are not only contentious but politically explosive. They polarise the Council and add to the trust deficit.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Let me give you another example of politics and how the exercise of power influences the functioning of UN organisations in Geneva. I will speak briefly about the World Health Organisation. The WHO has been greatly constrained by the lack of adequate funding for their activities. Only about twenty percent of the budget of the WHO is funded from assessed contributions from Member States. Eighty percent of their expenditure comes from donor funding. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To overcome this inadequacy WHO asked its Member States to examine the future of financing for the WHO and suggest how its functions can be prioritised, so that more assured and reliable sources of funding can be identified. A questionnaire has been circulated and responses have begun to come in. The thrust is clear. The developed countries, who are also the main donors, want WHO to redefine its role in the global health architecture. WHO should henceforth concentrate on its core functions: standard setting, coordination, evaluation and health security. This would enable consolidation of its financial situation. The functions of funding and operative implementation, especially in the area of health development should be left to other global health actors. At the country level, WHO should act as a part of the UN country team and function only as an advisor to Member States. Country specific projects for health care infrastructure, capacity building and disease specific preventive and curative initiatives, should be wound down and left to other global health actors. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The perspective of the developing countries is starkly different. While recognising the need for the normative function of WHO in standard setting, in defining and implementing global strategies to promote health (e.g. tobacco control, alcohol control, prevention of chronic diseases), they want a clear and strong role for WHO in developing and strengthening national health systems. They want an emphasis on capacity building that is in consonance with the priorities of national health ministries. The priority should be on transfer of skills to ensure the future autonomy of national health systems. They want a larger share in the assessed contributions and a greater proportion of the donor funding to be un-earmarked. They want WHO to channel donor funding into technical assistance projects and training programmes, directly under WHO supervision.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It is an unequal battle and the outcome can be predicted. But the developing countries are larger in number and will use the clout this gives them, procedurally, to whittle down the opposition of the other side. Common space will be found and an unequal compromise will be forged; the normative functions will be strengthened while preserving the capacity building and national health priorities. But the question will still remain about where the money will come from?</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">India has played an active role in preserving and strengthening the United Nations as the centre of multilateral diplomacy. Despite its early disillusionment with the UN over the question of Jammu and Kashmir, India remained actively engaged in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid. It contributed, in its own inimitable way, to creating the discourse on issues of development and for laying down principles governing international economic relations. But India has moved with the times and adapted itself to the changed power realities of the post Cold War world. Its own economic growth, its enhanced resource base, its demographic profile, its technological achievements and a greater sense of self worth and confidence, have influenced its diplomacy. India’s engagement with the world has grown and the way the world looks at India, has changed. India has become more active in international forums, and has forged regional and functional arrangements to mutual benefit.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">India’s diplomatic style has under gone a change as well. It is more confident and under-stated. Substance is more important than form. On several issues and in many forums, India has become the bridge builder; with the ability to find common ground and evolve a consensus in the larger interest. India’s traditional constituency remains the large body of the developing fraternity, but on some issues we have interests that encompass both ends of the debate. We are consulted more frequently by both sides and we are considered sober and thinking interlocutors, with the drafting skills to find practical and useful compromises. Our value system, which draws on our ancient heritage, our democratic polity, our attempts to become a modern nation state and our modest success in preserving our selves as an open, secular, pluralistic society have aroused both curiosity and positive recognition. India is sui generis, and it is being recognised to be so. This constitutes both our soft power and makes us vulnerable. We must create our own discourse, find solutions to our own problems and at the same time continue to engage with the world, to learn from them and share with them our unique experiences.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">India has, in my view, a first rate diplomatic service. Despite our small numbers, we have performed with distinction and substantially accomplished the tasks assigned to us by our political leadership, over the last sixty odd years. The abilities of our Foreign Service are acknowledged internationally. In most capitals of the world, it would be fair to say the Indian Ambassador and the Mission would be important players and be recognised for their professional competence and abilities. This is also true in the multilateral forums. The wide support India was able to garner for the non-permanent seat in the Security Council (187 out of a possible 192) was a tribute to India’s standing. But it must also be recognised that the diplomatic effort mounted by our Foreign Office and Permanent Mission in New York, was impressive in its design and execution. With our growing international engagement we need to augment the human resource available to pursue our national interests globally. The numbers need to be substantially increased and their training, skill development and specialisation, need reorientation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To address the variety of issues and subjects that the UN and inter Governmental organisations cover, requires extensive knowledge and a comprehensive understanding of the cross cutting nature of these issues. We need to forge coalitions within our Governmental system, with experts from other Ministries/Departments, Universities, industry associations and civil society, to create institutionalised brains trusts, on these complex and evolving issues. Issues relating to public health, intellectual property, climate change, migration, disaster management, education and culture and globalisation and its impact, lend themselves to such attention. Domain knowledge through specialised training, revision of the course content in Universities, commissioning studies and position papers, must be part of a coherent strategy. We must define our priority areas in the multilateral context, craft the policy options available and convert these into outcomes. Our diplomatic efforts, in multilateral forums, must be guided by clearly defined objectives. We must graduate to creating our own discourse, presenting our own drafts and navigating our way through the winding bye-lanes of multilateral procedures and practices.</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;">The Foreign Office must play a central role in forging these coalitions with our Secretary, Economic Relations as the key player. Secretaries from other Ministries must be part of this collective effort, using the Committee of Secretaries format to mentor and supervise working groups, taskforces, and expert groups that study specific thematic and regional issues and make policy recommendations. Members of these groups should be included in the official delegations in multilateral meetings. Presence of Foreign Service officers, on deputation to other Government departments and in industry associations, will greatly facilitate this process of inter action, leading to policy coherence and better communication with our Missions abroad. Diplomacy is a special skill and ability that is honed through many years of experience and international exposure, and must be fully utilised to further India’s national interest both at home and abroad. </div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; text-align: justify;">Politics is about power and as India’s power grows its place in the world will be redefined. The process has begun, and it must be sustained by actual accomplishments on the ground at home. Our ability to consolidate our power potential will depend on India’s inherent strength, cohesion, economic growth and political stability. The prospects are promising. Our ability to realise the potential will enable us to further our national objectives internationally and equip us to assume greater responsibility on global issues. We will then begin to define the agenda, create our own discourse and become effective players in the politics of multilateralism.</div><br />
<div class="separator" style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgua9PP2cchPh9noeJLLolrbpJ9xCTpXDExZzTeIeTS_SeTI29drLcniX_pcnwPMaS_jCxTvXhL_WQ2Of5nGrPnh8ZU0A0ak7dG070yzdobkXBkacxmIhw5XflT_nrkw3jmlAruLtxN3rg/s1600/swashpawan+singh.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"></a></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-42669714144141204502010-10-23T09:53:00.001+05:302010-10-23T09:53:53.929+05:30Lecture on Indo-Pak Relations by Amb. K. Sibal<div style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" nx="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-mQMHrwozj3y4F7B88PnN4Gmhspl6slqrezANDyKnPTQcQ0aRX1sog7qskpFWjsL7UxeMzhlUm7RwU4n-PjeWMDDp7zX_puvQpwHx0XXEKNAUijmYRDPKkAAQxqUP_3CVTA7rE5NwLOA/s1600/k.+sibal.jpg" /></div><br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Lecture on Indo-Pak Relations by Amb. K. Sibal at Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar </strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>22Oct 2010 </strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">India’s relations with Pakistan are exceedingly complex. The problems are multi-dimensional, stretching across politics, security, territory, religion, history, geography, psychology etc. It is not merely a foreign policy issue, and therefore the normal tools of diplomacy are not enough to resolve them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pakistan has no historical basis; it has only a political one. If it was the case that two distinct people, with their own clear sense of history and identity, had been forced to cohabit against their will, and at an opportune moment separated as independent entities, reconciliation would be easier in principle. But if division is made because of political expediency, distorted narratives and geo-political reasons, and the cut and paste separation remains incomplete, then the wounds of partition will fester. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The “two nation theory”, the basis of Pakistan’s creation, lost meaning with millions of Muslims staying on in India in 1947, and, later, Pakistan itself getting divided into two separate Muslim nations. The integrative role of India’s democracy and secularism vis a vis our Muslims is a continuing challenge to the asumptions on which Pakistan was created. This accounts for Pakistan’s Islamization drive, its attempts to delink itself from its Indian moorings and orient itself toward the Arab world, and its emphasis on differences with India. Pakistan has, for the same reason, striven to excite communal passions in India so as to weaken India’s secular fabric.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a name='more'></a><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The obsession with “parity” with India- rooted in what one may call a “two equal nation theory”- flows from a mixture of historical memory of Islamic rule in India, notions of Muslim superiority as a martial race over Hindus, and long standing encouragement by western powers interesting in balancing India. The hyphenation by others of India with Pakistan, that hasn’t altogether disappeared, is a product of this intense public Pakistani rivalry with India exhibited at every possible opportunity. Pakistan interposes itself as much as it can in India’s ties with others by creating an atmosphere of tensions and of potential conflict, generating international concerns and compelling others to raise issues of India-Pakistan relations with us. This is Pakistan’s answer to our attempts to deal with our problems with it bilaterally.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pakistan clings to the Kashmir issue on the basis of this defunct “two nation” postulate, bemoaning that Kashmir’s Muslim majority areas are not part of Pakistan as they should be in its view. Kashmir is therefore not a purely territorial issue for it. If it was, Pakistan should have been long satisfied with the portion of Kashmir it holds illegally, with the huge geo-political advantage it has gained as a result in having a common border with China and denying India one with Afghanistan. The issue for it is infused with religious passion, which is why India’s concessions at Tashkent and Simla, its restraint in face of Kargil, its tolerance of Pakistani promoted terrorism in Kashmir etc have not made it relent on its Kashmir fixation. Pakistan cannot give up the Kashmir issue without a radical change in how it looks at itself vis a vis India.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Because Pakistan had a ceasarean political birth, with uncertain prospects of survival, its feeling of insecurity toward India prompted it to seek political and military crutches against us, by allying itself with the West and, later when India and China moved into conflict, by forging close ties with China. With arms assistance from both, and confidant tof having acquired enough political space for militarily adventures against India, it has inflicted several armed conflicts on us. The 1971 military defeat at India’s hands, with loss of East Pakistan, would no doubt have been traumatic for Pakistan, but this narrative of “insecurity” has been cynically exploited by Pakistan to justify its confrontationist policies toward us and obtain international understanding for them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">If Pakistan truly felt “insecure” and vulnerable vis a vis India it would have not be inflicting terrorist violence on us as it would fear retaliation. General Musharraf may have been emboldened to stage Kargil under cover of Pakistan’s newly acquired nuclear capability, but Pakistan’s use of terror against us as an instrument of state policy since the 90s when Pakistan was not a nuclear power shows that it has not felt cowed down by a stronger conventionally armed India either. On the contrary, its conduct throughout has shown that it feels quite confident it can handle any potential Indian reaction. Its involvement in the Mumbai attack, its unwillingness to punish those responsible, the continued existence of terrorist networks in the country, the freedom given to Hafiz Saeed to persist in advocating jihad against India etc, is not evidence of any sense of insecurity, rather it reflects a careful analysis of options available to India and calibrating the level of its provocations accordingly. Pakistan’s provocative conduct toward us needs to be contrasted with India’s extremely cautious attitude toward a stronger China vis a vis whom India is conscious of its vulnerabilities and tailors its policies accordingly.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In actual fact India seeks nothing more from Pakistan than normal friendly relations. To remove artificially generated misgivings in Pakistan about Indian intentions to break it up, our leadership at the highest levels has repeatedly declared publicly that a stable and prosperous Pakistan is good for India. There is no political force in India that advocates the break-up of Pakistan. We have even ceased to assert our legal claim on Pakistan Occupied Kashmir(POK) with force or conviction, in the interest of a peaceful resolution of our differences. The thrust of our policies is to settle the Kashmir issue on the basis of the actual Line of Control(LOC). The current Prime Minister has stated clearly that while actual borders cannot be changed, they can be made irrelevant, which is a clear signal to Pakistan that India accepts the de facto position on the ground and wants to move forward amicably. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">We allow the separatist Kashmiri leaders to travel to Pakistan, and even meet Pakistani leaders and bureaucrats on Indian soil, opening thus the doors to a Pakistan role in engaging political elements inside J&K to facilitate a resolution of the issue, despite our “official” position that Pakistan has no role in the internal political handling of the problem by us. We have repeatedly offered the hand of dialogue to Pakistan, despite its continued involvement directly or indirectly in terrorism directed at India from its soil. We have overlooked its violation of its own commitments not to allow such terrorism from Pakistan or the territory it controls to be aimed at us. We have even absorbed the terrible body blow of Mumbai and taken subsequent initiatives to resume talking to Pakistan. To keep the doors of dialogue open we even agreed to the proposition that both countries were victims of terrorism, implying thereby that Pakistani state agencies were not involved in terrorist activity against India, and that if such attacks took place, the dialogue process need not be interrupted. Of course, the expectation has been that Pakistan would heed our warnings that in an atmosphere of terrorist violence against India a sustained dialogue would not be possible, and that Pakistan would see it in its own interest amidst mounting internal terrorism in the country to control these forces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s commitment to peace with Pakistan is patent. While Pakistan lauds the Prime Minister as a “gladiator of peace”, it has done nothing to impart momentum from the Pakistani side to make his efforts successful. On the contrary, it has not met the minimum requirement of punishing the perpetrators of the Mumbai carnage and putting curbs on jihadi elements ranting against India. In fact at critical moments- just before our Prime Minister’s meeting with the Pakistani President at Ekaterinaberg or with the Pakistani Prime Minister at Sharm el Sheikh, or before the Foreign Secretary level talks at new Delhi, or, again, at before the talks at Thimphu, Pakistan has either released Hafiz Saeed from custody, or withdrawn cases against him, or let him lead a huge rally against India or let Salahuddin of the Kashmiri Jihadi Council unleash his fury against us. The recent meeting at Islamabad at Foreign Minister’s level saw our Minister being humiliated by his Pakistani counterpart. This has been followed up by Pakistani tirades against India in the UN General Assembly, with a return to a hard line position on Kashmir. Pakistan has sought to take advantage of the recent turbulence in Kashmir in which its hand is far from being absent. Pakistan is now showing disdain for a dilaogue with India unless we accept its terms. Foreign Minister Qureshi has announced that he does not want to make a “leisure trip” to New Delhi and that India must be ready to abandon its step by step approach and recommence the composite dialogue in all but name, with the central focus on Kashmir. Pakistan’s antipathy to India is such that even when faced with a terrible natural calamity it has baulked at receiving assistance from India’s hands supposedly tainted by Kashmiri blood. Even in tragedy it cannot get over hate. Eventually it has been embarrassed by the international community into accepting India aid routed through the UN. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pakistan is adept at blackmail and brinksmansip, as is evident also in its dealings with the US. Sensing the US dependence on it for its operations in Afghanistan, Pakistan has squeezed enormous amounts of military aid from it, procuring mostly India-related military equipment. The US is about to announce a further $2 billion military assistance, unmindful of the problems this creates for India. At the same time, Pakistani agencies continue to maintain contacts with the Afghan insurgents and terrorists targetting US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. Pakistan has made an issue of the Indian presence in Afghanistan, accusing India of using Afghanistan as a base to foment trouble in Baluchistan, or otherwise adding a strategic threat to Pakistan from across its western frontier. It has had a hand in the terrorist attacks against the Indian Embassy and other Indian targets in Afghanistan. It has sheltered the Taliban leadership all these years and now is well placed to pursue its bid to get a strategic hold over Afghanistan through the reconciliation process with the Taliban leadership that NATO has begun as part of the western exit strategy from Afghanistan. These Pakistani attempts to exclude us from Afghanistan, including opposition to our presence in the Istanbul Conference on Afghanistan, is incompatible with its stated desire to engage India in a serious and sustained dialogue to resolve bilateral issues. How can it be serious of setling isssues with India in the east while stepping uo confrontation with it in the west?</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ironically, Pakistan is being armed today by the world’s most powerful democracy- the US- and the world’smost powerful authoritarion state- China. The latter continues its policy of building up Pakistan against India, intending to offer it two additional nuclear power plants in violation of its own NSG obligations. The message behind this that if the US can offer a nuclear deal to India, China can offer it to Pakistan in exercise of its own political priorities. China is deepening its physical hold over POK as it is going to become an essential hub for China’s access to the Arabian Sea and Afghanistan for energy, trade and regional connectivity.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Te government’s response to this unremitting Pakistani hostility toward India is to maintain its composure and keep the doors of dialogue open. It sees no alternative to a dialogue. With both sides having nuclear weapons the risk of escalation following a limited strike are too serious. India’s economic growth is impressive. This has to be sustained to steadily eliminate poverty. Massive spending on infrastructure is required, for which foreign investment is needed. At this juncture the government does not want India’s economic progress to be derailed. Pakistan, an already failing state, riven by terrorism and religious extremism, has far less at stake in a positive future. It would not be averse to dragging India down with it, if it could. The government also perhaps feels that tensions with Pakistan invite more foreign interference, and even to keep such intervention at bay, India should be seen as doing what it can to maintain bridges with Pakistan. One of the important reasons for our restraint also is the US presence in the region and the enormous difficulties it faces in Afghanistan, to which India does not want to add by reacting to Pakistani provocations as that would give Pakistan the excuse not to cooperate fully with the US in controlling terrorism across its western frontier into Afghanistan.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There can be more than one view on how to protect our national interest in dealing with Pakistan. The challenge to us is so complex that no one can claim to have the full answer. Critics of government policy cannot suggest a more effective alternative; the government cannot demonstrate that its policy of dialogue at all costs is working successfully either. If India was decisively stronger than Pakistan, it could humour it, give it a long rope, and at the appropriate moment, faced with the adversary’s deplorable conduct, use constraining methods to bring it into line. In actual fact, we seem bereft of options. The adversary senses this, it has us in a corner, others with their own divergent interests are only interested in managing tensions, not eliminating them by pressing for responsible behaviour by the culpable side. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pakistan with its deep-seated antagonism does not see the Prime Minister’s commitment to a dialogue as “statesmanlike”; it looks at it as “weakness”, and so it feels it has sufficient room to continue to bleed India in function of its political needs, its domestic situation, the possible reaction of other powers involved in the region, and the desperate response of a truly distraught India. It would avoid reaching those kinds of thresholds. So long as the military remains the most powerful force in Pakistan, the chance of a reconciliation with India will remain distant. The military needs to cultivate hostility with India so that it can preserve its preponderant role in Pakistan’s polity. Pakistan’s democracy will remain unstable in the years ahead as external powers give preferential importance to the military to serve their regional needs. The “people” in Pakistan cannot be counted upon to lead the normalisation process with India unless they have the political strength to introduce veritable democracy in the country. People to people ties have limitations- the sentiments of the people can easily be influenced by the government, as we saw in Pakistan in the wake of the Mumbai attack, with a rise of anti-Indian feelings because of a peceived threat of Indian military retaliation.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">India is compelled by geography to bear the cross of Pakistan on its back; it should not end up being crucified! </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
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<div class="separator" style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none; clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-mQMHrwozj3y4F7B88PnN4Gmhspl6slqrezANDyKnPTQcQ0aRX1sog7qskpFWjsL7UxeMzhlUm7RwU4n-PjeWMDDp7zX_puvQpwHx0XXEKNAUijmYRDPKkAAQxqUP_3CVTA7rE5NwLOA/s1600/k.+sibal.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; cssfloat: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a>Please visit <a href="http://www.indiandiplomacy.in/">http://www.indiandiplomacy.in/</a> for more lectures.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com9tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-9563772265985825332010-09-28T16:33:00.000+05:302010-09-28T16:33:24.406+05:30Role of Technology in India's Foreign Relations by Amb. B. Balakrishnan<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3_MsDgMqj5RgJ-M11W3VwXGuDct2uqggSla0FDl5WaJpg352X_wJuRjaPxIT7tUhWjI4pcMEnuZrOTocoZpglFeZ3OVXrjix2oEAUFTjtB262Bn1xM5lAfznKWV2HWvqWBJvhRU9UqNg/s1600/BB+PPT+photo.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" px="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3_MsDgMqj5RgJ-M11W3VwXGuDct2uqggSla0FDl5WaJpg352X_wJuRjaPxIT7tUhWjI4pcMEnuZrOTocoZpglFeZ3OVXrjix2oEAUFTjtB262Bn1xM5lAfznKWV2HWvqWBJvhRU9UqNg/s320/BB+PPT+photo.JPG" width="240" /></a></div><div align="justify"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Role of Technology in India’s foreign relations</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Starting with the basic concepts of Technology and International Relations, we outline a conceptual framework showing the impact of technology on international relations, including the contest for power, dominance and control. The increasing importance of technology related issues in foreign relations of countries and on global issues such as climate change, energy and environment is outlined. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">We review India’s technological development since independence, especially in strategically important areas. In particular some key recent technology issues that have become important in India’s foreign relations are analyzed. Some of the most recent challenges that have arisen in regulating technology, such as preventing access by terrorists, spread of mass destruction weapons, protecting intellectual property rights, are outlined. The importance of technology in international relations is likely to grow in future, posing challenges for India’s foreign relations.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>MEA Distinguished Lecture Series on India's Foreign Policy</strong></div><div align="justify"><strong>“Role of Technology in India’s foreign relations”</strong></div><div align="justify"><strong>IIT Roorkee, 28 Sept 2010</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Introduction:</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Technology is as old as human civilization. Man has constantly tried to enlarge knowledge, and apply it in diverse ways to meet his needs. This practical application of basic knowledge is what we call technology. Throughout history, the search for knowledge and its application through technology have been important determining factors in the progress of human society. In the competition for dominance and control, societies which forged ahead in mastery of basic knowledge and technology were able to succeed, sometimes far beyond expectations. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">This paradigm changing, force multiplying effect of technology has been responsible for major historical changes and relations among societies in the past. Examples are numerous. The discovery of agriculture allowed for the feeding of larger populations, and development of complex societies. The Mongols used a composite bow which was compact and more powerful, and could be used on horseback. Babur used cannons from Turkey to win the battle of Panipat in 1526. The impact of technology on warfare and military balance was particularly striking, allowing relatively smaller forces to prevail because of superior technology. This phenomenon continues even in modern times, when the first atomic bombs caused the immediate surrender of Japan.</div><a name='more'></a><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Competition among European nations encouraged them to innovate and avoid technological stagnation, which led to the dominance of European powers over the last 500 years. However, dogmatic ideologies which severely limited questioning and enquiry retarded technological progress. This was the case with the inquisition of the Catholic Church in Europe, during the 12 th - 16 th centuries. For example, Giordano Bruno, a leading astronomer, was burned at the stake in 1600 after the Roman Inquisition found him guilty of heresy.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">International relations comprise the variety of relationships among states within the international system and complex of global issues, including the interactions between entities governmental and nongovernmental, national or multinational. Power is a key factor in the calculus of international relations. It can be described in terms of control over key resources, capabilities, and influence in international affairs. It is often divided up into the concepts of hard power and soft power, hard power relating primarily to coercive power, such as the use of force, and soft power commonly covering the persuasive domain, such as economics, diplomacy and influencing people. Technology plays a critical role in determining power, both hard and soft.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">It is therefore clear that the extent of mastery over basic knowledge and technology are key determinants of a society’s military and economic strength, and therefore its ability to participate effectively in the international system. However, such leadership cannot remain indefinitely, since knowledge and technology can be acquired by other competitors, albeit with some time delays. Efforts to control or limit the spread of technology are bound to be temporary at best. Similarly, merely acquiring of technology without the capability to derive it from basic knowledge offers only limited advantages, and may negatively impact genuine indigenous capability. Therefore remaining ahead in knowledge and technology requires a continuous and sustained effort.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The quest for knowledge and technology requires not merely material resources. Numerous examples highlight the key role played by human resources, especially of innovative thinkers and researchers. There is a distinction between mastering the “content” or “hardware” of knowledge, and being able to “innovate and apply” or the “software” of knowledge. This phenomenon is found in all disciplines. One can distinguish between a technically perfect musician and a musical genius, a technically well trained athlete and a star performer; and a scientist or engineer who knows the content and one who can also innovate and move beyond limits. Both are important – mastery over content as well as ability to innovate.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The pursuit of technology requires innovation and improvisation, the ability to question conventional assumptions and beliefs, and move ahead into uncharted areas. For example in the early 20 th century, the fundamental conventional assumptions of classical physics were challenged and overthrown, and a whole generation of physicists developed quantum mechanics and relativity. This spirit of challenge and enquiry continued in physics, leading to many major advances. A.P.J.Abdul Kalam has called this process the “igniting of minds”, by which one can soar beyond the framework of conventional knowledge and explore new horizons.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>India in the early years - Nehru’s contribution</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Even before independence, India had several internationally renowned scientists. These included the mathematical genius Srinivas Ramanajuam, Satyen Bose associated with Bose-Einstein statistics, C.V.Raman for inelastic scattering of light from molecules, and others. In addition, there were outstanding scientists in the Indian diaspora in the US such as S. Chandrasekhar, the astrophysicist.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">After independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru gave high priority to India achieving excellence in science and technology. He drafted an eminent scientist Dr. Homi J Bhabha to put in place a long term strategic plan for nuclear science and technology. With remarkable foresight, he also promoted major reforms in higher education, science and technology. His tenure witnessed the setting up of the first IIT in Kharagpur in 1951, the Indian Space Research programme in the 1960s, and the strengthening of national research and development capability under the CSIR and various Technical Institutions.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">This thrust in science and technology continued during Indira Gandhi’s premiership, including the Pokhran I series of nuclear explosions in 1974. India became host to one of the two centres of the International Centres for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology (ICGEB). Prime Minster Rajiv Gandhi also gave strong political support to science and technology, including information technology and telecommunications.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The driving force behind India’s science and technology came from government initiatives such as those in atomic energy, space, and biotechnology. However, in later years, the private sector was the driver in areas such as information technology. In the area of scientific and technical manpower, the IITs proved to be a successful model, recognized in the west. However, there is room for further improvement of overall quality of India’s scientific institutions including those engaged in scientific and technical education. The recent higher education reform proposals may help in this direction.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>India’s foreign relations</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The principles of India’s foreign relations were to a large extent formulated by Nehru. These included non-alignment with either of the two blocs in the Cold War, peaceful coexistence and constructive collaboration with all countries irrespective of their internal governance systems, and securing largest possible space for India’s indigenous economic, scientific and technological development considered vital for removal of poverty. The Cold War has faded away, and in its wake there are multiple poles of power – the US, China, EU and Russia. But the global situation is marked by instability, growing competition and lack of collaboration, requiring continuous and sophisticated adaptation of our foreign policy. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Technology and international relations</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In the post World war II era, the advent of nuclear weapons, together with the rivalry between two power blocs posed a challenge to the international system. While the basic science behind nuclear weapons was fairly simple, in practice the construction of nuclear weapons required formidable technical efforts in enrichment of Uranium, and weapons design expertise. The nuclear weapons arms race resulted in numerous tests, and the rise of USSR, UK, France, and China as nuclear weapons states. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">For these reasons, the area of arms control was the first where technology impacted international relations in a big way. The various arms control negotiations such as the NPT, the Nuclear Test Ban treaties, Chemical and Biological weapons, etc, involved technology related issues, especially in the verification and compliance aspects. Negotiators had to have a good grasp of technology to be effective, and close cooperation between the diplomats and the technologists became necessary.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In the 1970s international debate focused on the North-South divide, with the developing countries under the umbrella of the G-77 demanding fundamental changes in the international order. The status quo was represented by the Group B or industrialized market economy countries, while the socialist bloc supported the G-77 on most issues more with a political motive than with conviction. One key area of discussion was the question of access to technology on fair and equitable terms. Efforts were made under UNCTAD to draft a legally binding code on transfer of technology but these were blocked by the group B countries. Even a non binding code of conduct could not be agreed upon. Multinational corporations which had the technology would only grant access to it on their terms, which often included restrictive business practices that went against the competition laws of their own countries.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In this context, India’s diplomatic efforts had to take into account the growing role of technology related issues in international relations. Some of the important areas where technology has impacted India’s external relations are discussed below.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Nuclear technology and India’s foreign relations</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The area of nuclear technology is probably the most significant challenge in India’s foreign relations. After the end of World War II, shocked by the horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there was a strong demand for the complete abolition of nuclear weapons, articulated forcefully but pragmatically by Nehru. However, the nuclear weapons states US, USSR, Britain and France obviously preferred a regime in which such weapons could remain in their hands. While Britain benefited from the US in terms of access to nuclear weapons technology, China derived similar support from the USSR. The Cold War rivalry which reached its most dangerous manifestation in the Cuban Missile crisis of October 1962, and China’s nuclear tests in 1964 set the stage for moving ahead with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This unequal and unbalanced treaty legitimized the possession of nuclear weapons in the hands of five states, while placing numerous restrictions and controls on access to and application of nuclear technology by other states, coupled with only lip service to reduction in nuclear arsenals. India rightly rejected this unequal treaty, along with several other countries. This implied that India would face difficulties and restrictions in the area of nuclear technology.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">India’s nuclear explosion in 1974, declared as being for peaceful purposes, led to severe restrictions on India’s access to nuclear technology, materials and equipment. The Nuclear Suppliers Group was set up to enforce a technology denial regime. This led to a massive indigenous effort under BARC and DAE to develop India’s strategic and civil nuclear programmes. India’s foreign policy in this sphere had to counter the efforts in the international community to isolate and strangle India’s nuclear programme. The main thrust of our policy was – to continue to develop our nuclear programme, reject the NPT as an unequal and unbalanced treaty, to call for the total abolition of nuclear weapons, and support confidence building measures such as ban on first use of nuclear weapons, measures to reduce false alerts and alarms, etc.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In May 1998, India conducted a series of five nuclear weapons tests, including one thermonuclear device. Earlier moves to conduct tests had been thwarted by the US administration. This time the tests came as a surprise even to the US. These tests were followed by a series of tests conducted by Pakistan in the Chagai Hills. International reaction was severe, and prospects of a nuclear war between India and Pakistan were widely discussed. The nuclear embargo on India was tightened, including economic pressures aimed at curbing India’s purely indigenous nuclear programme. In contrast Pakistan which had developed its nuclear weapons through the clandestine A.Q.Khan’s nuclear smuggling enterprise, plus weapon designs and political support from China, was relatively unfettered.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">India’s response to international pressure has been carefully calibrated. We continue to support the total abolition of nuclear weapons, a goal which the US had initially described as “unrealistic”, but which now finds some support under President Obama. India has declared a unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing but continues to stay out of the CTBT which it regards as a part of the unequal NPT regime. India supports a no first use policy on nuclear weapons, despite the existence of troubled relations with two of its neaighbours -China and Pakistan. If it were possible, India would be ready to sign the NPT but as a nuclear weapons state. Nevertheless, India has declared it will respect the “principles” contained in the NPT, while not signing it.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Persistent efforts by India yielded positive results with the July 2005 Manmohan Singh-Bush joint statement on separation of India’s civil and strategic nuclear programmes, the former to be placed under international safeguards, and in exchange benefit from full civil nuclear cooperation,. Over the next three years intensive negotiations and discussions with internal constituents in both countries led to amendment of U.S. domestic law, a civil-military nuclear Separation Plan in India, an India-IAEA safeguards (inspections) agreement and the grant of an exemption for India by the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Once the IAEA India specific safeguards agreement enters into force, some 35 Indian nuclear installations will come under safeguards, in a phased manner.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The joint effort by India and the US to get a waiver from the nuclear Suppliers group, in the face of opposition from several countries, must be seen as a landmark in Indo-US diplomatic cooperation. The 45-nation NSG granted the waiver to India on September 6, 2008 allowing it to access civilian nuclear technology and fuel from other countries. The implementation of this waiver makes India the only known country with nuclear weapons which is not a party to the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) but is still allowed to carry out nuclear commerce with the rest of the world. India’s responsible stewardship of nuclear technology and its declaration on nuclear testing helped this process.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Pakistan, with Chinese support, has lobbied strenuously for the same status from the NSG, but with little success, perhaps due to its involvement in nuclear smuggling. A China-Pakistan nuclear deal, on the lines of the Indo-US is unlikely to gain acceptance from the NSG. The recent notice to the IAEA by China of supply of two new civilian nuclear reactors to Pakistan on the basis that this deal is part of an earlier agreement that antedates China’s entry into the NSG is certain to cause disputes and weaken the NSG.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Israel, the other undeclared nuclear weapons state with a formidable arsenal, has its own strategic imperatives. The case of North Korea and Iran is quite different, as both these have signed the NPT. North Korea has withdrawn from the NPT and tested a nuclear device. Iran continues to pursue Uranium enrichment and a heavy water reactor, ostensibly for peaceful purposes, but these also give it a nuclear weapons option. Meanwhile the NPT review conference of 2010 did not break any new ground and failed to meet Arab concerns over the problem of Israeli nuclear weapons. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">India will continue to face challenges in the field of nuclear policy. It is under pressure to sign and ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). Moves to negotiate a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) gained momentum after the Obama administration recently changed the US stance on verification, but Pakistan has blocked progress. The FMCT would seek to prohibit the further production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other explosive devices. This treaty would be difficult to accept unless the goal of a credible nuclear deterrent is achieved. In the future the FMCT negotiations could pose a challenge for India.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In the area of civil nuclear cooperation, India is now able to import Uranium fuel for its civilian reactors, which have been run at low output due to fuel shortages. Some countries such as Australia, still insist that India should join the NPT before they can do business with India in this sector. The Nuclear Liability Bill recently approved by Parliament is a step forwarding facilitating civil nuclear commerce, especially with the USA, although some changes are being called for in the legislation. But nuclear power sector in India remains restricted to the government sector, and the question is whether this model will be able to manage the financial and technical resources for implementing India’s ambitious nuclear power programme.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Space and Missile programme</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">India’s space programme started under the Department of Atomic Energy in 1950, with strong support from Nehru. It gained momentum under the Indian National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR) founded in 1962 with Vikram Sarabhai as its chairman. The Indian Space Research Organization in its modern form was created by Vikram Sarabhai in 1969. The development of launch vehicles which has both civil and military applications involved critical and closely guarded technology subject to restrictions. The USSR was a strong partner in India’s programme. ISRO went in for a long-term strategic plan of indigenous launch vehicle capability. Over the years, this approach resulted in successful development of increasingly powerful launch vehicles, such as SLV, ASLV, PSLV and finally the GSLV.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The GSLV-I has a Russian-made cryogenic third stage, which is to be replaced with an identical Indian-built one for the GSLV-II. The solid first and liquid second stages are carried over from the PSLV. In July 1993, under US pressure, Russia went back on its agreement to transfer cryogenic technology to India on the grounds that it would violate Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). In lieu of cryogenic technology, Russia agreed to sell two additional cryogenic stages to India. Following Russia's refusal, India had to develop cryogenic technology it on its own, which is a formidable feat. The first launch of the rocket with the Indian made cryogenic engine in April 2010was a failure. The next launch is likely to take place within a year. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">To restrict the spread of missile technology, the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) was established in April 1987 by Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Great Britain, and the United States and now includes 34 countries The MTCR was created in order to curb the spread of unmanned delivery systems for nuclear weapons, specifically delivery systems that could carry a minimum payload of 500 kg a minimum of 300 km. In October 1994, in order to make the enforcement of MTCR Guidelines more uniform, the member states established a “no undercut” policy, meaning if one member denies the sale of some technology to another country, then all members must adhere.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Faced with a technology denial regime, India had to develop its indigenous missile capability. This programme over 1980-2007 has successfully developed short and intermediate range missiles for various defence applications. Notable is the intermediate range ballistic missile Agni III (range 3500 km) to be followed by Agni V with a longer range. India and Russia have collaborated in developing the world’s only supersonic cruise missile the Brahmos, with a range of 290 km (below the MTCR threshold) and speed of Mach 2.8. A hypersonic Mach 8 version Brahmos II is under development.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Thus in the defence field, India has to contend with a number of technology denial and restrictive regimes, while meeting its requirements of defence equipment.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>The Wassenaar Arrangement</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The Wassenaar Arrangement is a multilateral technology export control regime (MECR) with 40 participating states. The list of restricted technologies includes a "Munitions List", a Sensitive List and a Very Sensitive List. The Very Sensitive List includes materials for stealth technology, equipment that can be used for submarine detection, advanced radar, and jet engine technologies. India is not a party to this arrangement, which is a successor to the COCOM, as group set up during the Cold War to prevent leakage of technology from the West to the East bloc.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>US technology control regime</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The US, a leading country in terms of technology development, has put in place a system of controls to prevent sensitive technology from leaking into the hands of hostile entities. The Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) of the Department of Commerce deals with issues involving national security and high technology. It regulates the export of sensitive goods and dual-use technologies; enforces export control, anti-boycott, and public safety laws; cooperates with and assists other countries on export control and strategic trade issues; assists U.S. industry to comply with international arms control agreements. Many sensitive goods and technologies (for example, encryption software) require a permit from the Department of Commerce before they can be exported. Recently, India and the US signed an end user verification agreement enabling the US to monitor high end defence and sensitive technology supplied to India.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>International Scientific Collaboration</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Research in frontier basic sciences is becoming increasingly costly and beyond the reach of individual nations, even the US. One such example is the Large Hadron Collider Project (LHC) under CERN, Geneva. India has participated in this $ 9 billion project both in supplying components for the LHC as well as software services and is also a partner in some of the scientific experiments. The value of Indian supplied components and services to the LHC is calculated at European rates, and the amount this represents is available for funding Indian scientific workers. This is a particularly effective way for countries such as India to participate in frontier research in basic sciences. Another such project is the International Thermonuclear Reactor (ITER) at a cost of some $6-18 billion, scheduled for completion in 2018. Other examples can be cited – the Human Genome Project; the International Space Station, etc. Such international scientific collaboration opportunities are likely to increase in the future, and need to be exploited effectively.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><strong>Intellectual Property Rights</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">India faced a difficult challenge during the TRIPS negotiations in the WTO (then GATT) during the Uruguay round (1986-1994). Intense lobbying by the US, EU , Japan and other developed countries including the threat of Section 301 of the US Trade Act forced India to yield ground especially on the issue of product patents , which India had not recognized. This had enabled Indian pharma companies to reverse engineer drugs and discover alternative production processes and produce drugs at lower costs. Indian patent law had provided for process patents and not product patents, and had also several provisions regarding working of patents and compulsory licensing in the public interest. The US pharma lobby was opposed to these provisions in Indian legislation. They mounted a campaign against India, Brazil and other major developing countries. Indian industry also softened its position, perhaps due to the emergence of R & D capability. Public and consumer awareness of these issues was not deep.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The situation involved a compromise on India’s interests in the fields of trade, copyrights, and patents, with the country being a creator as well as a consumer of intellectual property. India joined the TRIPS agreement and amended its laws by the deadline of 2005. Many critics contended that this would lead to higher prices for drugs in India. The 1994 TRIPS agreement has been widely criticized as being unbalanced in favour of patent protection as against the public interest. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com18tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-24026109896102736272010-09-16T14:16:00.001+05:302010-09-16T14:17:05.318+05:30The Evolution of India-Russia Relations by Amb. Ronen Sen<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgz-dvLqMheWjBowLKkscSCYmgLfzlzJQyndXGzfGUiYwgXZX2pb6sArua_12xtcDdrEvobTW0iWdzy07Vtrspn-oLKWjF3UykTkrC0019F5y1ctiQD4Ox4IrJqj4vycjDbRKtF3S4REE8/s1600/ronen.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" qx="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgz-dvLqMheWjBowLKkscSCYmgLfzlzJQyndXGzfGUiYwgXZX2pb6sArua_12xtcDdrEvobTW0iWdzy07Vtrspn-oLKWjF3UykTkrC0019F5y1ctiQD4Ox4IrJqj4vycjDbRKtF3S4REE8/s200/ronen.gif" width="170" /></a></div><div align="justify">ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR RONEN SEN ON </div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">“THE EVOLUTION OF INDIA-RUSSIA RELATIONS”</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">ON 14 SEPTEMBER 2010</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Hon’ble Vice-Chancellor Prof. Suranjan Das,</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Mr. Rudrangshu Mukherjee,</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Ladies and Gentlemen,</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I am highly honoured to have the opportunity to address this distinguished gathering in the august premises of Calcutta University. It was India’s first English medium university, with an initial jurisdiction of almost subcontinnental proportions from Burma and the North-East through Bengal and the Indo-Gangatic plains and undivided Punjab to the NWFP and Baluchistan, and Ceylon in the South. It had a number of other firsts, including India’s first science college, first college for women, first art college, Asia’s first medical college etc. It was led by outstanding educationalists, like Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee; had illustrious faculty members, including Rabindranath Tagore, Sir C.V. Raman, Nilratan Sarkar, Sarvapali Radhakrishnan; distinguished alumni, such as Rajendra Prasad and Amartya Sen. In view of the University’s awesome reputation, and my poor academic record, you will understand my reluctance to reveal that I am an alumnus of this institution.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Given my last diplomatic assignment in the United States, I have been viewed, correctly, as a strong advocate of Indo-US partnership and, in particular, as one of the architects of the Indo-US nuclear deal. The longest association of my diplomatic career has, however, been with Russia. Some of the happiest and most challenging years of my life has been in Moscow. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I have spent more years in Moscow than in any other city, including my birthplace, Pune. I also happen to be the only Indian diplomat, so far, to serve in every diplomatic rank in our Embassy in Moscow, from that of Third Secretary to Ambassador, in the 1960s, ‘70s, ‘80s and, finally, in the ‘90s. My long experience does not imply that I am a specialist on Russia. I remain a student of developments in that great country. Today, I will share with you some of my personal experiences and assessments on Indo-Russian relations, which I am convinced deserves more public attention and discourse than it has in recent years.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Each of my assignments in Moscow happened to coincide with major transitional periods in our relationship with the former Soviet Union, and subsequently, with Russia. There was a major transformation of the Soviet policies on the Indian sub-continent from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s. These evolved from seeking leverage in Pakistan through large-scale Soviet arms supplies to that country, and thereby revive its mediatory role between India and Pakistan, to one of strong support of India and recognition of our regional pre-eminence. This was manifested in the Indo-Soviet Treaty and the decisive Soviet role in countering US-China moves in developments leading to the liberation of Bangladesh.</div><a name='more'></a><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">General Secretary Brezhnev’s visit to India in December 1980 marked another watershed in our relations. This was the first summit meeting after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and after Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s return to power. Her re-election had caught the Soviet leadership off-balance, since they had written her off since her 1977 election defeat. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Despite her firm determination not to join the international chorus of condemnation of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Indira Gandhi left Brezhnev in no doubt, in her private talks with him, about the potentially adverse security implications for India of the Soviet actions. She also took a deliberate decision to pay an official visit to the United States before visiting the Soviet Union in September 1982. She was given an exceptionally warm and sentimental welcome at the airport near Moscow by seriously ailing Brezhnev, who expired shortly thereafter. Over the next three years there were no major policy decisions, in the wake of the demise in quick succession, of Andropov and Chernenko, till the assumption of power by Michael Gorbachev.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The personal chemistry between General Secretary Gorbachev and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was very good. The Delhi Declaration on the Principles of a Nuclear Weapon Free and Non-Violent World signed by Rajiv Gandhi and Gorbachev in 1986 was a landmark global document. This is not only in the context of the recent focus on complete nuclear disarmament, including by President Barak Obama, but also in the Soviet ideological acceptance, for the first time ever, of the concept of non-violence as propagated and practiced by Mahatma Gandhi.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">By the mid-1980s, however, there were increasing indications that all was not well in the Soviet Union. The economy was in dire straits. The situation was aggravated by the evident loss of central control, as a consequence of political glasnost preceding economic perestroika. Rajiv Gandhi sent a personal letter to Gorbachev on our federal polity. Yet the rapidity of the complete collapse of the Soviet Union came as a surprise.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The fourth transitional phase coincided with my assignment as India’s first Ambassador to be accredited to the Russian Federation. The challenges I faced during this long assignment from 1992 to 1998 were undoubtedly the most formidable during my entire diplomatic career.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">While the world was celebrating the advent of democracy in Russia, the situation that I encountered in that country in 1992 was chaotic, indeed catastrophic. The Soviet system had collapsed. But there was no sign of an effective new system coming into place. The economy was in a free fall. The familiar queues for scarce consumer goods of the Soviet era were no longer to be found, since the merchandise in the fancy new shopping centers were out of reach for the vast majority of Russians. The only waiting line was that for Rolls Royce and other super-luxury cars. Conspicuous consumption by a few and the flight of capital abroad were accompanied by hyper inflation. This converted life-time savings of pensioners into few months of expenditure. The depth of deprivation and depression were reflected in a massive increase in suicides, further decline of birthrates, a marked fall in life-expectancy, a breakdown of law and order, the emergence of mafia groups and growing political clout of oligarchs. The worst affected areas of the economy were the strategic areas of defence productions and research, civilian and military nuclear and space sectors, manufacturing, scientific centers of excellence, health care and food production. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The writ of Kremlin did not run in most regions. Many Governors unilaterally asserted their authority as directly elected representatives. Virtually all the Governors I met expressed their exasperation at central directives not being accompanied by financial support or even reflecting ignorance of local conditions and priorities. They claimed that they had no option but to fend for themselves, often in coordination with their colleagues from contiguous regions. Presidents of some Republics and Governors of Regions signed agreements on foreign affairs and foreign economic cooperation. Thus, in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were challenges affecting the unity and integrity of the Russian Federation itself.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The roller coaster twists and turns in the initial years of post-Soviet transition, were also reflected in terms of personnel changes. When I arrived in Moscow, the Soviet dignitary to whom my predecessor had presented his credentials at the Kremlin, former Vice President A.I. Lukyanov, was in prison. I presented my credentials to the Vice President of Russia, Alexander Rutskoi, and met him subsequently. Thereafter, I witnessed Rutskoi being arrested after the White House, housing the Russian Parliament, which he and Yeltsin had defended in 1991, was virtually demolished by military action ordered by Yeltsin. The last time I met Rutskoi was when he was Governor of the Kursk Region, where he was elected despite Yeltsin’s strong opposition. I also witnessed the remarkable transformation of Yeltsin himself, from an exuberant and confident extrovert, ruling by a series of Presidential decrees, to a Kremlin recluse, who had fired virtually all his close advisors, was totally isolated, and preparing to exit with whatever dignity he could muster. After the August 1998 financial crisis, the democrats were demoralized and discredited. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Russia’s bankruptcy was evident not just in financial terms but in terms of ideas and the loss of direction and focus. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Though I had established close contacts across the entire political spectrum in Moscow and in the provinces and republics, the most perceptive observation on the situation in Russia at that time was made to me by Mikhail Gorbachev. He told me that anyone who tried to present a coherent analysis of the evolving situation in Russia was either a liar or a fool. The situation was far to complex and fluid to foresee how it would evolve. He had agreed with me that the only thing which could be said with certainty was that the transition in Russia would be a long one, measured not in years but in decades.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The uncertainties and contradictions in this fluid situation were also reflected in Russia’s perception of itself and its new identity. Russia emerged from the debris of the world’s first socialist state and the resulting dismantling of the Russian empire. The national emblem was changed from the hammer and sickle to the imperial twin-headed eagle representing the vast Eurasian reach of the Russian empire. However, in terms of Russia’s initial policy orientation, both heads of the eagle looked in only one direction, namely, to the West. The national anthem was given a new musical score, but without the new identity or ideals finding expression in words. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In the midst of this situation, I found that Yeltsin felt that our approach to him was one of reluctant acceptance. It was widely believed, both in Russian political circles and in diplomatic corps in Moscow, that the Indian Embassy’s assessment was that Yeltsin and his supporters would not be in power for long. I must say that this impression was, unfortunately, not entirely without foundation.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">There was also a general sentiment in Moscow that the relationship with India was part of the baggage of the Soviet era; that old ideological blinkers should be shed, and that the relationship should be accorded lower priority in the pragmatic new foreign policy framework of Russia. In the Indian establishment, on the other hand, Russia was viewed as a pale shadow of the former Soviet Union, which had lost not only its super power status, but also its self-esteem in its subservience to the United States, and could no longer be regarded as a fully reliable partner. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">My first task was to try to change these misperceptions in both countries, and do this very quickly. The process of preparations for Yeltsin’S visit to India in end-January 1993 was utilized for a better appreciation of the fact that relations between Delhi and Moscow were never based on ideological affinities, nor even on the dynamics of the bi-polar cold war period. They were anchored in the convergence of long-term interests of the two countries and in mutually beneficial cooperation. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">There is an impression that the Yeltsin era represented wasted years in which India-Russia relations lost their moorings and momentum, and that these relations were put on track later. This impression is misleading. During this period, we went beyond the stage of problem resolution and set up new structures of cooperation adjusted to new realities in both countries.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Let me first look at the overall geopolitical framework of our relations with Russia. I happened to be involved in the negotiations which led to the conclusion of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of 1971, as well as that of the new Indo-Russian Treaty signed in 1993. What had taken years to negotiate in the end 1960s and in 1971 took just about a couple of hours to re-negotiate in end 1992. The new treaty involved a dilution of a couple of clauses, but contained notable aspects of continuity of mutual commitments of the Indo-Soviet Treaty, as well as positive developments in Indo-Soviet relations in the two decades thereafter. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The Moscow Declaration on the Protection of the Interests of Pluralist States, concluded by President Yeltsin and Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, was also a significant document. It was the first international document signed at the highest level on post-cold war threats posed by religious extremism, terrorism and separatism. This declaration also expressed mutual support to each others’ “territorial integrity, as constituted by law and enshrined in their respective Constitutions.” Our Constitution of course defines our territory, and the applicable law relates to the legality of the “Instruments of Accession.” The first proposal for an Indo-Russian Declaration of Strategic Partnership was also announced during Yeltsin’s second term as President in 1998. The Declaration was eventually concluded around two years later by President Putin and Prime Minister Vajpayee. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">During the very difficult years of contrary pulls and pressures, the continuation of cooperation on vitally important Indo-Soviet strategic projects, with which I had been directly involved since the early 1980s, was problematic and uncertain in the new Russia. The choppy waters were successfully navigated in continuing the process of production of a nuclear submarine and the second lease of a nuclear submarine. After France went back on its commitment on the supply of cryogenic engines to India, we had signed a contract, on far better terms, with the concerned Soviet state agency. The Russian government conveyed to me their final decision not to implement this contract, in view of their international obligations. Both the French and Russian decisions were obviously taken under US pressure. As in earlier cases, I resorted to some unorthodox measures. As a result, a number of cryogenic engines were supplied to India from Russia, commencing in September 1998, shortly before my departure from Moscow. In the meantime, there was also significant technological collaboration leading to the development of indigenous cryogenic engines in our country. These are some important instances of cooperation in strategic areas. There were other such cases as well. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Reviving Indo-Russian defence collaboration was another top priority. The collapse of the USSR led to the dispersal of hundreds of defence production enterprises in newly independent States, though the majority remained in Russia. Unlike in the Soviet era, the Russian government could not mandate or enforce defence production targets, due to their inability to pay the main enterprises and their subsidiary suppliers. The virtual stoppage of orders from the Russian Armed Forces, not only for new equipment, but also for minimal maintenance support for existing weapons systems, including all those in use in India, was very worrisome. I saw many production lines, including for spares, had closed down enterprises in different parts of Russia. Official government agencies, acted essentially as intermediaries retaining exhorbitant “service charges”. They demanded “international pricing”, without corresponding adherence to international norms of effective product support and acceptable levels of serviceability. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">All these developments had a profoundly adverse impact on India’s defence preparedness, given our overwhelming dependence on Soviet-era defence equipment.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">During the transition period of the Yeltsin Presidency, we took a number of initiatives to put our defence relationship on an even keel. We tried to shift the focus from one of dependence to inter-dependence; to transform a buyer-seller relationship to that of a longer term partnership, based on joint research and development, co-production and integration of Indian components in Russian weapon systems. We pressed successfully for pricing not only on the basis of initial procurements but also on projected life-time costs, including predictable escalation in prices of aggregates and spares. We involved major Russian manufacturers in supply contracts to ensure that they were in the loop on prices and payment schedules linked to completion of different phases of projects. At the same time, our own defence establishment was persuaded to modify earlier patterns of contracting which were no longer effective in the changed circumstances.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">At the same time, I pressed for conclusion of new agreements, including on multi-role SU-30 MKI combat aircraft, which has now become main-stay of the IAF, the MIG-21 BIS upgrade programme, collaboration projects on frigates, equipping submarines with modern missiles, initiating actions for acquisition of T-90 tanks etc. I had the honour to commission some Indian Naval Ships. The first major Indo-Russian joint venture for the Brahmos supersonic cruise missile was concluded at our Embassy. As a result, during the first four years of my assignment alone, the value of our defence collaboration, excluding some major projects, increased 26 fold. Yes, 26 fold. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">And it continued to rise thereafter. Defence collaboration was thus not only stabilized but given an unprecedented boost. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Sensing the tremors in the Soviet system at the time, a clause was inserted in the 1988 agreement on the supply of two 1000 MW nuclear power reactors at Kudankulam. Despite subsequent Russian laws in pursuance of its acceptance of the Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) guidelines, work on implementing this agreement continued in the ‘90s, and thereafter. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The Integrated Long Term Programme (ILTP) on Science and Technology Cooperation, signed during Gorbachev’s visit to India in 1987, was Rajiv Gandhi’s brainchild. It was continued in the 1990s. It was, and still remains, the most comprehensive science and technology cooperation programme that India has with any country.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The Soviet Union had played a pioneering and invaluable role in the industrialization of India. We should always cherish this assistance. By the mid-1980s, however, it was evident that the Soviet economy was facing very severe strains. The precipitous plunge by Russia into a “free market economy”, which could more accurately be described as a “free for a few economy”, also coincided with the launch of major economic reforms in India. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The dismantling of the rupee-rouble arrangements were inevitable. This was recognized by both governments even during the Soviet period in the late ‘80s. India made a major political gesture to Russia in 1993 by agreeing to settle all Soviet credits to India in Indian rupees, at an effective discount of about one-third of the face value. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The criticism of this agreement by a number of our experts was unfair. After all, virtually all our imports from the former Soviet Union, consisting of oil, metals and other commodities, were at prevalent international prices. Our defence procurements were often at less than market prices. I will give you one example. In 1986, we bought advanced conventional submarines from the Soviet Union for Rs. 76.7 crores each and from Germany for DM 215 million each, then equivalent to Rs. 87 crores. If we went purely by market exchange rates for repayment of our dues, it would mean the purchase of the submarines at a cost of around $50,000 or so. This was clearly not just untenable but ridiculous. In retrospect, however, it would have been preferable to have repaid the entire Soviet debt to Russia in free foreign exchange at a somewhat higher discount rate. This would have prevented dubious practices and distortions in trade, which contributed to its rapid decline. After so many years, Indo-Russian bilateral trade has not yet been restored to what it was in Soviet times, or even what it was in the immediate aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union. We also missed early opportunities for equity stakes in oil exploration and defence industries. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">After the collapse of the Soviet Union, I found a notable change in Russian perceptions about India and Indians. There was a clear generational gap between the continuing goodwill of older Russians, including President Yeltsin, and the younger western-oriented generation, including Foreign Minister Kozyrev. I also discerned a clear difference in attitudes in large cities, like Moscow and St. Petersburg, and in other areas of the Russian heartland. In smaller cities and towns, the warmth of the welcome, the generous hospitality and spontaneous goodwill towards India were experiences that my wife and I never encountered elsewhere. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In relation to Pakistan, the Russians had the same tendency as the Soviets, namely, that greater Russian leverage through arms supplies and better high-level political and defence contacts with Pakistan, would also benefit India and promote closer Indo-Pakistan ties. There were, however, no arms supplies to Pakistan during my tenure in Moscow. The Russian leadership, particularly at the urging of Yevgeny Primakov (whom I knew in various capacities, including as an eminent academician, foreign intelligence chief, Foreign Minister and finally as Prime Minister of Russia) took the lead to establish a strategic partnership with China, and later with India. When I was supposed to leave Russia in 1996 for taking up my announced assignment as Ambassador to China, and knowing my role in preparing for the pathbreaking visit of Rajiv Gandhi to China in 1988, most top Russian dignitaries I met urged me to support a trilateral India, Russia, China dialogue mechanism. They felt that stronger Sino-Russian relations would promote better Sino-Indian relations. This trilateral mechanism materialized subsequently, though, much to my regret, my posting to China was cancelled, after a change of government in India – one of the four such changes during my six year tenure in Russia! Russia later took the lead in proposing close coordination between the quadrilateral Brazil, Russia, India, China (BRIC) framework since the first G-20 summit convened by President Bush in 2008, and in international financial institutions. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Over a little over a decade since I left Moscow, I have not kept myself fully abreast of developments in Indo-Russian relations. There has obviously been significant changes for the better since Putin took over from Yeltsin as President, and thereafter. There is an established mechanism of annual bilateral summits. Putin restored better central control of Russian regions, of strategic natural resources, defence, space and other sectors, Oligarchs appear to have been put in their place. The flight of capital has reportedly been arrested and reversed. Till the global financial crisis emanating from the USA in autumn 2008, the Russian economy was on a roll. There has simultaneously been consistently high growth in the Indian economy. All these positive factors have, I am sure, led to Indo-Russian relations being strengthened significantly with each passing year in the last decade.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In spite of all this, for some unaccountable reason, I sense a certain disquiet in some circles in Russia about the future of our relationship. Some ascribe it to the rapid transformation of Indo-US relations, as manifested by the Indo-US nuclear deal. But Russia is a major beneficiary of the US-led initiative to lift the global nuclear isolation of India. The “re-setting” of Russia-US relations remains a top Russian priority. There is also some murmuring about our emerging defence cooperation with the US and western countries. The fact is that Russia is, and will remain, a valued and a preferred partner in defence cooperation. Yet it would be unrealistic, and unfair, to expect India not to avail of the best available defence equipments and technologies under our transparent international competitive bidding procedures. Russia will also need to restore its earlier reputation and credibility of fully adhering to contractual commitments.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Despite occasional problems of a transitory nature, ties between India and the former Soviet Union, and then with the Russian Federation, have been the most stable and resilient relations in the post-cold war period for both countries. We share common concerns and have inter-locking strategic interests and goals, including the goal of a multipolar Asian and global world order. We are partners in the combat against religions extremism, international terrorism, illegal narcotics and arms trade. Russia did not mince words in asserting that the elimination of the terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan was a prerequisite for the renewal of a peaceful dialogue between India and Pakistan to resolve all issues in a bilateral framework as envisaged in the Simla Agreement of 1972 and the Lahore declaration of 1998. In its cooperation with India, Russia has been flexible in interpretation of the MTCR of the NSG guidelines, even before the latter were waived for India. It has been supportive of our permanent membership of the UN Security Council in bilateral exchanges, which will undoubtedly percolate down to its Permanent Mission in the United Nations. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">All this is well and good. But much more will have to be done. It will become increasingly difficult to sustain a strong relationship by focusing primarily on core geopolitical and security issues. We must work much harder to give greater economic ballast to the relationship. While in strategic terms, the Russian eagle now looks both to the West and East, in economic terms, both heads of the eagle are still directed mainly to the West, particularly towards Europe. Steps will have to be taken to overcome the constraints posed by the lack of geographical contiguity through energy and trade transport corridors. The private sectors of both countries will have to reach out to each other in a much more proactive manner. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">We have to facilitate trade, investments and technology transfers in both directions. It will also be a mistake to ignore the people to people dimension of the relationship. Apart from ongoing cultural exchange programmes, the YOUTHSAT project etc., tourism, educational and other exchanges need to be actively encouraged, through a much more liberal visa regime and other measures. This will be to the mutual benefit of both countries and have a positive overall impact in Asia and the world. </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-1542985828347866222010-09-13T16:26:00.000+05:302010-09-13T16:26:56.937+05:30Amb. Ronen Sen's Address at Jadavpur University<div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCKOZ7WfktC_ahUNf-SdWHxBmF1SYe_DR0VDoxXSh38hwfqr-69F9pbQSrS9i7l9pSl8kKi9T6wjncl4OY5SxlJu9Cl5AURwtDnO15TDt0V-LeY3k_eFSnxrTecFLwhrKMe1M7Pig_raU/s1600/ronen.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; cssfloat: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" ox="true" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCKOZ7WfktC_ahUNf-SdWHxBmF1SYe_DR0VDoxXSh38hwfqr-69F9pbQSrS9i7l9pSl8kKi9T6wjncl4OY5SxlJu9Cl5AURwtDnO15TDt0V-LeY3k_eFSnxrTecFLwhrKMe1M7Pig_raU/s200/ronen.jpg" width="170" /></a></div><div align="justify">ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR RONEN SEN ON</div><div align="justify">“MAKING AMERICAN INTEREST GROUPS APPRECIATE INDIA’S CONCERNS AND PRIORITIES: A PUBLIC DIPLOMACY EXERCISE ABROAD”</div><div align="justify">AT JADAVPUR UNIVERSITY</div><div align="justify">ON 13 SEPTEMBER 2010</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Hon’ble Vice-Chancellor Prof. Pradeep Narayan Ghosh;</div><div align="justify">Hon’ble Professor Radharaman Chakrabarty, President of</div><div align="justify">the Jadavpur Association of International Relations;</div><div align="justify">Distinguished Members of the Faculty;</div><div align="justify">Ladies and Gentlemen,</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I am honoured to have the opportunity of addressing you at this highly reputed centre of learning in the fields of engineering, science and arts. I am aware that your university has one of the best departments on political science and international relations in our country, and that I am speaking to a knowledgeable and discerning audience.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I have been asked to speak to you this afternoon on our efforts in sensitizing US interest groups to appreciate India’s concerns and priorities, and to what extent this was a manifestation of a successful public diplomacy exercise abroad. Before I come to this subject, I would like to make some general observations.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In one sense, the term “public diplomacy” is an oxymoron, a fundamental contradiction in both conceptual and practical terms. Each country seeks to pursue its own national interests, while preserving its independence of action and autonomy in decision-making. Ultimately, however, the most effective diplomacy is aimed at an optimal balance of maximizing its national security or socio-economic development objectives, while minimizing the corresponding dilution of national sovereignty. No amount of rhetorical posturing can alter this basic reality of international negotiations. This applies to all countries, large or small, though of course in varying degrees, with the rise and decline of the economic and strategic strength of individual countries or of regional groups. Concepts such as national autonomy or complete self-reliance have always been divorced from realities. This is all the more so in the process of globalisation, not only of markets but of global threats posed by failing States, religious extremism, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, pandemics and so on.</div><a name='more'></a><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The second aspect is that some crucial decisions relating to major issues of national security have necessarily to be taken in total secrecy and strictly on a need to know basis. We had to suspend even the prescribed rules of prior Cabinet clearances in a number of cases. Our nuclear tests in 1974 and 1998 were two instances. The Indo-Soviet Treaty of 1971 also had to be negotiated in complete secrecy. The element of surprise in the timing of its conclusion was as important, in fact more important, than its content, in terms of its geo-strategic impact. </div><div align="justify">Premature public knowledge of such decisions, and let alone parliamentary or public debate would have been counter-productive and compromised our interests.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The third aspect is that negotiations on a number of international issues cannot be conducted through the media. Public debate may, in fact, limit the options of the governments and their room for maneuvere to reach agreements which would be in their longer term mutual interests. On certain issues, confidential consultations with major opposition groups are obviously desirable, particularly on issues of national security, prior to a parliamentary debate. Even in a number of mature democracies, calculated and calibrated leaks to the media are often used to promote debates on lines considered useful by some lobbies.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Striving for consensus is desirable in any democracy. This applies particularly to coalition governments where no single party has absolute majority in both Houses of Parliament. Decisions taken in response to immediate political compulsions, however, sometimes amount to kicking the can down the road for a revised decision in better circumstances. These certainly ensure political longevity. But consensus does not necessarily manifest political leadership, let alone statesmanship. There is a saying which is true figuratively, if not literally, namely, that the only fish which go with the current of a river are dead fish! Statesmanship involves the subordination of personal or party interests to long-term interests of the nation and of humanity at large. It involves steadfastness of conviction and resolute pursuit of goals in the face of overwhelming odds. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Rajiv Gandhi had the attributes of true statesmanship. He had told me once to remember that whenever there was a perception of conflict of interests between his role as Congress President and his national responsibilities as Prime Minister, the latter should always prevail. He went ahead with his pathbreaking visit to China, despite fairly widespread reservations within his own party. He pursued his policy on Sri Lanka, in the face of domestic misperceptions, for promoting India’s interests and regional stability. He narrowly escaped an attack by a Sinhalese man and was later brutally assassinated by a Sri Lankan Tamilian LTTE activist. He paid for his convictions with his life. It was ironic that V.P. Singh, who vehemently criticized the Indo-Sri Lankan accord in his election campaign, insisted on referring to this agreement in positive terms, in his first letter as Prime Minister to the then Sri Lankan President.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">While keeping all these aspects in view, I feel that public diplomacy can also play a vitally important supportive role in promoting better understanding of our concerns and priorities, both abroad and in our own country. The inextricable links between our domestic and foreign policy priorities is not fully understood in our country. For instance, most people still do not realize that Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to China, and Reagan’s quiet over-ruling of proposed US supplies of advanced AWACs to Pakistan, had more dal and roti implications than the worst drought of the last century in India in 1987. Public debate can also play a critical role in bridging the gap between rhetoric and reality. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I do not remember who had made the perceptive remark that realities often change in sharp angles but public perceptions change in parabolic curves. On a number of issues there is lack of adequate appreciation that the world changed dramatically in the post-cold war period, and so has India. Without sacrificing our core concerns, we have to adjust creatively to the changed realties in the world. We had, for instance, realized by the time of Belgrade summit meeting in 1987 that relevance of the Nonaligned Movement was on an irreversible trajectory of decline. Our initial concerns about NATO’s out of area operations after the end of the cold war were reviewed after its supporting role in the US ousting of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Today one of the few countries which still take NATO seriously is Russia! I also remember the days of Amar Nam Tomar Nam Vietnam. Even in those days, however, I was taken aback by the greater interest shown by some Vietnamese leaders in the functioning of the Bombay Stock Exchange rather than in that of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre. For quite a number of years the only country, perhaps apart from Cuba, where “anti-imperialist” rhetoric is still prevalent, is in some sections of society in India, including, curiously, many of our intellectual elite.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Public diplomacy can also, with the caveats I had mentioned earlier, balance our need to know approach with the need to share approach. This applies not just to our foreign policy, but also our defence, space, atomic energy, counter-terrorism, foreign economic and other policies. There should be much more informed debate on these issues. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">We have, as a society and indeed as a civilization, a great tradition of transparency and accountability in governance, and of free public discourse on all issues including those of religious beliefs. We are also among the most vibrant of democracies with a pluralist and federal polity. It is, therefore, strange that India as a State is one of the most opaque and secretive in the world, including in terms of release of official documents which remain perpetually classified. Despite our Right to Information Act, the “public” is denied access to decades old documents “in public interest”. Public diplomacy will be facilitated by even conditional access to most documents to academic institutions and think-tanks, which could provide valuable inputs in the decision making processes of the government.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Let me now, at long last, come to the specific subject I was asked to speak about, namely, my experience in trying to persuade American interest groups to appreciate India’s concerns and priorities. Our objectives included a wide range of interests ranging from the mango to the moon; from lifting the decades old US import barrier to Indian mangoes to carrying US payloads on our first mission to the moon. There were an unprecedented number of initiatives taken on trade, technology, investments, defence, energy, passenger and air cargo transport, and numerous other areas of cooperation, making our relations with the US the most broad-based relationship that India has with any country in the world. A number of these initiatives entailed active lobbying in various forums and with different individuals, entities and organizations.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Instead of covering the different approaches aimed at achieving each of these objectives, let me give you an indication of the common factors we had to take into account. These included, inter-alia, the following:</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(i) Our lobbying efforts in Washington D.C. with the U.S. Administration, the U.S. Congress, and major think tanks were of crucial importance. However, the United States, like India, has a federal polity. We had, therefore, to extend our direct outreach to State Governors, Mayors of major cities and key figures in local legislative bodies. It was also better to meet influential Senators and Congressmen in their own constituencies.</div><div align="justify">(ii) Though New York is a major global financial centre, most major corporate headquarters are spread all over the United States. Local CEOs could influence both State and Federal governments and lawmakers.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(iii) Contacts had to be maintained not only with CEOs of major companies, and large industry associations, like the US Chamber of commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers, but also sectoral associations and those of small and medium industries. Interaction with trade unions was also necessary in efforts to counter protectionist sentiments caused by inadequate or incorrect information. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(iv) The 2.3 million India-American communities represented a potentially powerful lobbying-block, particularly as influential constituents of their Senators and Congressmen. The community represented the best educated, most law-abiding, most entrepreneurial and one of the wealthiest segments of American society. With a disproportionately large number of doctors, educationists, businessmen, particularly hotel owners, the range of their daily contacts with fellow Americans were much wider than average US citizens. They were large contributors to political candidates, but a major drawback was their incredibly low turnout as voters in both local and national elections.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(v) The US media is also dispersed all over the country. These included major newspapers. Most Americans, however, preferred to read local newspapers and tune in to local radio and television channels. This, in turn, influenced the thinking of US Congressmen and, to a somewhat lesser extent, US Senators.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(vi) The U.S. had an excellent system of very close and regular interaction between government agencies and universities and think-tanks all over the country. We sought to strengthen our contacts with these institutions. </div><div align="justify">(vii) American Jewish groups were effective supporters of Indian causes in the US Congress. So were the Black Caucus and some other groups.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I found that, on the basis of my personal experience, the following approaches to be helpful for the most effective projection of our objectives:</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(i) Like Americans, Indians generally tend to be fairly garrulous. I had learnt, over the years, that it is invariably better to listen more and talk less. We need to resist the urge to interrupt an interlocutor or to score debating points. Winning an argument is certainly not the best way to influence policy makers. A far more effective approach is to listen, attentively and with respect, to the person, and respond by expressing appreciation of his views. Thereafter, some points could be conveyed for his or her consideration, and a promise made to get back with further clarifications. The conversion of an undecided person, let alone a critic, to an advocate is a process. Expecting instant positive responses is unrealistic.</div><div align="justify">(ii) The standard briefs received from headquarters should invariably be conveyed faithfully and fully to the Administration. However, a one size fits all approach is not advisable during interactions with Governors, Senators and senior Congressmen, including Committee Chairs and Ranking Members of various Committees. The background and interests of such persons, with a high sense of self-esteem, should be studied in depth and presentations individually tailored for each one of them.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">(iii) With regard to the media, I found that, instead focusing primarily on giving speeches or interviews, it was preferable to persuade independent columnists, commentators, academics and other reputed persons to appear on television and write op-eds. This involved much more time and effort in one-to-one meetings. But the results in terms of credibility and effectiveness were worth all the extra work.</div><div align="justify">(iv) Interest groups in the US, or any other country, cannot be easily persuaded to appreciate and accept India’s interests or priorities, unless these conform to their own interests and they have stakes in the outcome. No relationship, whether personal, or between countries, can be one-sided. You will remember the old saying, “Why is that fellow trying to avoid me and bad-mouthing me behind my back? I don’t remember having done him any favour.” Our focus was, therefore, on a relationship based on mutual benefit; not on what America can do for India, but what we can both do for the benefit of each other, and for global good. This was not just an assertion of principle, but making it a reality. During a four year period during my tenure, Indo-US trade doubled, but US exports tripled, reducing the trade balance in our favour. Despite ill-informed rhetoric about outsourcing to India, trade in services was roughly equal in both directions. Foreign direct investment from India to the US rose dramatically, more or less matching US investments in India. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I was gratified that these goals, which I had announced within a week of my arrival in the United States in 2004, were realized during my tenure. I had launched a programme of making individual Senators and Congressmen better aware of Indian investments and the number of jobs thereby preserved or created in their States. I was not satisfied with the implementation of this initiative. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Let me now give you an overall idea of how my colleagues and I undertook the most challenging public diplomacy initiative in the United States, namely, the historic Indo-US nuclear deal. The deal was truly audacious in its vision and scope. It would never have materialised without the extraordinary leadership of President George Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The negotiations of this agreement were extraordinarily complicated and difficult. It was often a touch and go situation. We were fortunate to have an outstanding team of negotiators, including current West Bengal Governor, M.K. Narayanan, former Foreign Secretaries, Shyam Saran and Shiv Shankar Menon, and former Chairman of our Atomic Energy Commission, A.R. Kakodkar. President Bush was unwavering in the commitment and impatiently brushed aside reservations within his Administration. Secretary of State Rice, National Security Adviser Hadley and Under Secretary Nick Burns pushed the deal through the US Congress. Prior to that Bush intervened personally and called numerous Heads of State and Government of countries of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and getting a clean, single country-specific waiver for India from the NSG guidelines. This was unprecedented in international relations. </div><div align="justify">In the meantime, while the Congressional clock was ticking, and while we were rapidly running out of time for US Congressional approval, periodic meetings of the UPA-Left continued to be held at a snail’s pace. We were ultimately left with just about a fortnight for US Congressional approval. The Bush Administration was thus left with the unenviable task of persuading the US Congress not only to approve the agreement but also to find a way of bypassing its mandatory three-stage Congressional process of approving such agreements, the first stage of which required a minimal 30 legislative days of Congressional consideration. No Senator or Congressman expected that the US Congress would agree to take such an extraordinary and unprecedented step and that too during the final days of a Congressional Session, while coping with the worst financial crisis since the great depression in the last century. Nonetheless the US Congress finally confounded all specialists and approved the nuclear deal with an overwhelming bi-partisan majority.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">What was the role of our Embassy in all these developments? I felt that extraordinary situations warranted extraordinary and unorthodox measures. At every stage, my focus was not on conventional processes but on outcomes. My Embassy colleagues and I got directly involved in every stage of the internal process of the drafting of the US legislation in both Houses of the Congress. We kept day-to-day track of changes in their internal draft formulations. We also closely monitored amendments, which were likely to be introduced by Congressmen and Senators. I ignored diplomatic norms by directly conveying to the Chairmen, Ranking Members and others that some of the formulations under consideration by them would be unacceptable to us. </div><div align="justify">I also conveyed the implications of draft formulations and our likely reactions to the Speaker and the Majority and Minority Leaders of both Houses of the US Congress.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Simultaneously, my colleagues and I mobilized the Indian-American community at large, and also a select group of influential US citizens of Indian-origin, in particular, to lobby with Senators and Congressmen, to make specific changes in the legislation as it evolved in the US Congress. Each one was entrusted with separate responsibilities. Major Indian-American associations were also briefed. Periodic meetings were convened by me to review progress. The response from the Indian-American community was extraordinary. Their enthusiastic support transcended their political affiliations not only as US citizens, as Democrats or Republicans but, equally significantly, also their traditional links and loyalties to Indian political parties. Their unwavering support and the time and resources they devoted in this process were in sharp contrast to the divisive debate in their mother country. This sense of unity in the Indian community in a common cause was unprecedented, in terms of its scale and intensity. This augurs well for the future of Indo-US relations. </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">The US Chamber of Commerce, the US-India Business Council, and other industry associations were mobilized to support this initiative; CEOs of major US companies also visited me before visiting Capitol Hill to convey their support. They kept in close touch with us on issues of concern to us on the draft legislation. It is noteworthy that the overwhelming number of US corporate leaders who lobbied actively in favour had no direct or even indirect interests in the nuclear industry.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">In a coordinated and multi-pronged approach, simultaneous steps were taken to mobilize support in the US media, think tanks, universities, and other organizations. Republican and Democratic Party Conventions to nominate respective Presidential candidates also provided the opportunity for us to influence formulations in both Party Manifestos in areas of interest to us.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Such activities, involving direct participation and intervention of a foreign envoy in domestic policy making, were unusual. But they did not raise too many eyebrows in a mature and open democracy, like the United States. On a more modest scale, such activities were also undertaken in the United Kingdom.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">Given this background, I am somewhat amused at dark hints of a “foreign hand” in the recent legislation on nuclear liability adopted on the basis of bipartisan support in our Parliament. I am sure that we will be less prickly, and more mature, as we gain greater confidence in ourselves and in the integrity of the institutions in our democracy.</div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify">I hope that some of my observations will lead to a candid and stimulating inter-active session with this distinguished gathering.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-72115019905803544782010-09-07T12:48:00.006+05:302010-09-12T16:57:00.774+05:30India’s Engagement With A Resurgent Africa: Amb. H.H.S.Viswanathan<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3OlHiQdoH7BRvvrItbFumkA6MgmGfGVI5o_bkNA_E79LVfGYqzjIX9eEviYlbuIlhgf4_5DEXef05nXx6P7B5n_uUno_B6oAmJcKv-G10YCPX513h1O_cxyli59PxmMmDdoy-1mHHcXo/s1600/vish.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5514068874243783634" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3OlHiQdoH7BRvvrItbFumkA6MgmGfGVI5o_bkNA_E79LVfGYqzjIX9eEviYlbuIlhgf4_5DEXef05nXx6P7B5n_uUno_B6oAmJcKv-G10YCPX513h1O_cxyli59PxmMmDdoy-1mHHcXo/s320/vish.jpg" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 175px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 190px;" /></a><br />
<div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify">Lecture at Central University of Jharkhand<br />
By Amb. H.H.S.Viswanathan<br />
7 September, 2010<br />
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<strong>Historical links</strong><br />
India and the African continent have been linked for centuries through trade, commerce and travel across the Indian Ocean. There are historical evidences of well-established Indian settlements in the coastal regions of Africa and some Indian connections even in the hinterland. Many Indian plants are of African origin, millet being the prime example of a crop which travelled all the way from West Africa to India. The great Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama took the help of two Indian sailors in his first and subsequent voyages to navigate him from East Africa to Calicut.<br />
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With the advent of Colonialism, the traditional trade was disrupted. However, contacts continued to flourish through other ways. Indians were taken in large numbers to the new colonies to work on the plantations, for the construction of the Kenya-Uganda railway and as subordinate staff in the colonial administration. Today there is a very large Indian diaspora in Africa of about 24 million ie. more than 2million. Some Indian enterprises have been there for a very long time, like the Chellarams in Nigeria started their business in 1923.<br />
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India was in the forefront in supporting the freedom movements of the African countries. Anti-Apartheid struggle was another great cause in which India led from the front. Gandhiji’s own fight against oppression and injustice started in South Africa. He is supposed to have remarked once that he may have been born in India, but he was made in South Africa. Gandhiji’s principles of non-violent non- cooperation became the most effective weapon for many African nations in their fight for independence.<br />
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When India and later most of the African nations attained independence the world was in the throes of a Cold War. The Super- Powers, US and USSR wanted the newly independent nations to align themselves with them with no regard for their autonomous decision making. It was in that context that the idea of Non-alignment proposed by Pandit Nehru and which became a successful Movement proved a viable alternative to the newly independent weak states to have autonomy of decision making and a political space in the international arena. As a group, the non-aligned countries could lessen the adverse effects of the Cold War. The movement also provided ample opportunities to have political interactions between India and the African Countries.<br />
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On the economic front also India tried to contribute to the development of the African continent, despite our own problems of lack of resources. We concentrated on our strength, namely training and capacity building. India- Africa connection through education is a long standing one. Thousands of African students have benefitted from ITEC and ICCR scholarships. Most of them acknowledge that the training they received in India has helped them build successful careers. Indian teachers have also gone to countries like Ethiopia and Nigeria and contributed in a very significant way to the education of young African minds. This is being appreciated to this day. During the historic visit of PM, Dr. Manmohan Singh to Nigeria in 2007, President Yar Adu’a remarked that he was taught mathematics in school by an Indian teacher named Singh and enquired if he was related to him. The African students who have studied in India have become a strong link to carry forward our friendship and cooperation.<br />
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Defence Cooperation has been another major field in our relations with African countries. India has helped build the defence forces of many of them. The National Defence Academy of Nigeria was established with Indian collaboration. Many defence officers from African countries receive training in our defence establishments. The former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo is such an officer.<br />
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India also participated in many peace keeping operations in the African continent, the prominent among them being Congo, Somalia and Sierra Leone.<br />
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<strong>Need for a new momentum in our engagement</strong><br />
The changes in Africa and India in the last decade have opened tremendous new possibilities for taking our traditional relations to a higher plane. From both sides, the timing seems to be perfect for a qualitative and quantitative leap in our cooperation. India is today considered to be one of the two fastest growing economies. We are a leader in IT and knowledge based technologies. We are also a leading player in the field of Pharmaceuticals and to a certain extent in Bio-technology. Many countries in Africa want to emulate the success we have achieved in the Services sector. Our corporate sector is becoming global with many new mergers and acquisitions. Our public and private sector enterprises are looking for new investment opportunities. Politically, India today has a certain standing which enables it to engage the African countries in constructive dialogues on many global issues of concern to all. India has no political problems with any of the African countries. Therefore, we can concentrate on intensifying our economic and commercial interactions to the benefit of both in a win- win situation.<br />
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On the African side, the continent is poised for a paradigm shift both politically and economically. The days of violent conflicts are coming to an end. Peace and stability are being established in erstwhile areas of tension and civil wars. Military coups and counter-coups are becoming a thing of the past. Multi-party democracy has started to take firm roots in the Continent. Today more than 80 per cent of all African countries have embraced multi-party democracy. Regular elections have become a common feature in the Continent. Governance and transparency issues as well those of corruption are being addressed in a serious manner. Two other major factors are also very relevant in the context of a resurgent Africa: sub-regional and regional integration and the enhanced role that Africa is playing in international fora. For the smaller countries in Africa, regional integration is vital for development since a larger market is needed to exploit the economies of scale. Further, large scale projects in the power, water and transport sectors need regional solutions. On the question of international fora, it has to be noted that more and more issues are taking a global dimension and it is in the international fora that these issues are addressed. Examples are: Reforming the UN, expansion of the Security Council , talks on Climate change and the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations. It has become imperative for the African countries to articulate on these issues so that their interests are not marginalized. India’s engagement with them is necessary to coordinate our positions on these subjects. It is true that on some issues there are differences in the approaches, but on a whole range of subjects we have identical or similar views. On the question of the UNSC expansion, Africa will have a very crucial role.<br />
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Let us now look at the timing of the new engagement from the point of view of the African economies. According to an IMF report, Sub-Saharan Africa has been growing at an average of more than 5% per year during this decade. Some countries like Chad, Angola and Sudan have been registering spectacularly higher rates. Africa is only one of the two regions—the other being Asia—where the collective economy rose through the global recession of 2009 by 1.4%. A step rise in commodity prices helped many economies but Countries with no mineral resources have also shown a healthy growth rate. A recent McKinsey report says that the consumer spending of the Continent in 2008 was $860 billion, more than that of India. This is projected to grow to $ 1.4 trillion by 2020. The number of new mobile phone subscribers signed up since 2000 is 316 million, and there is still a huge market to tap. It is estimated that that there will be 1.1 billion Africans in the working age by 2040 which could influence shifting of manufacturing hubs to that Continent. The agricultural potential of the Continent is yet to be tapped. Today Africa’s share of the world’s total amount of uncultivated, arable land is 60%.<br />
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The political and economic factors that I have pointed out would suffice to convince even a skeptic to realize that the time has arrived to look at Africa in a serious way. In a few years’ time, engagement with Africa will not only be desirable, but would be vital for any country desiring economic growth.<br />
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India’s engagement with Africa has been at three levels—bilateral, regional and continental. Bilaterally, we have promoted trade and economic cooperation, offered scholarships and training for capacity building and participated in some developmental activities. On a regional basis we work closely with the regional organizations like ECOWAS, SADC, EAC etc. Many developmental projects need a regional approach because of geography and the small size of many countries. There are, for example, 20 countries with a population of less than 5 million. Another 20-plus countries have a GDP less than $ 5 billion. There are 60 international river basins shared by many countries. Any large project in the power or transport sector will have to be done through the regional organizations. Finally there is the Continental level. Africa has its own Development bank—the African development Bank which has all the African countries as regional members. The Bank also has non –regional members and India is one of them. In that capacity, India has undertaken many projects funded by the Bank. India is also regularly invited to the AU Summits every year which gives a wonderful opportunity to interact with the African leaders.<br />
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Let us have a brief glance at some our recent engagements and success stories in Africa. The first, of course, would be the Africa Forum Summit held in New Delhi in April 2008. This very successful Summit attended by about 30 African leaders identified cooperation in many areas: economics, politics, science, research and technology, social development and capacity building, tourism infra-structure, energy and environment, media and communications. The Summit also resolved to strengthen Africa’s regional integration and to work for a Joint Action Plan at a Continental level. India offered to unilaterally provide preferential market access for exports from 50 Least Developed Countries (LDCs), 34 of which are in Africa. This will benefit exports of commodities like aluminium ores, copper ores, cashew nuts, cane sugar, ready made garments and non- industrial diamonds. India also announced additional Lines of Credit amounting to $5.4 billion for the next five years (2008 to 2013). The number of ITEC slots were to be increased from 1000 to 1600 every year. India also doubled the number of long term scholarships for graduate and post-graduate courses.<br />
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India’s trade with Africa has grown impressively in the current decade. The trade which was $ 7.3 billion in 2000 grew to $ 31 billion in 2008.<br />
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One of the major success stories in our engagement with Africa is the Pan- African e- Network Project. This was the idea of our former President, Dr. Abdul Kalam. He made an announcement to this effect during a State visit to South Africa. Under this project, India is helping all the African countries in the setting up of a fiber optic network which will help in e-medicine and e-education. The idea is also to link hospitals and universities in Africa electronically with their counterparts in India. The first phase of this project covering 11 countries was inaugurated in February, 2009. The second phase covering all the countries was inaugurated by the Indian External Affairs Minister on August 16, 2010. The project was also given the “Hermes Prize for Innovation 2010”.<br />
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Our corporate sector, both public and private, have become very active in Africa. ONGC through its external arm OVL has acquired many oil blocks in Nigeria, Sudan, Angola and the DRC. The acquisition of Zain telecom by Bharthi Mittal making the new entity the biggest telecom company in Africa was a major business move taking Indian presence in Africa to a new level. The agricultural company Karuturi Global has taken large areas of land in Ethiopia to tap its agricultural potential. The Rice cultivation project in Senegal by the Kirloskars(started with a line of credit by the GOI) is going to make that country self- sufficient in grains. This project has often been quoted as an ideal example of South-South Cooperation.<br />
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The National Institute of Information Technology (NIIT) has done pioneering work in training 1000’s of young boys and girls in countries like Nigeria in the use of Computers. This initiative has been a big success and more and more African Governments are requesting for the introduction of this form of cooperation in their countries. This programme has led to the formation of a new young population of computer savvy individuals in many countries.<br />
Another major initiative was taken by the Government of India in the late 90’s to focus on the Franco-phone countries of West Africa. Traditionally, the bulk of our cooperation activities have been in the Anglo- phone countries because of the language factor and the Commonwealth links. We realized in, due course, that the huge potential in the Franco-phone countries were being overlooked. It was this realization that led GOI to form a Team-9 (India with 8 small West African nations) which identified specific projects. These were in the sectors of agriculture, small and medium industries and those areas necessary for job creation. Team-9 has been meeting regularly to monitor the projects and to identify new ones. This initiative has proved to be a significant opening to Franco-phone Africa.<br />
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<strong>Ways to take the engagement forward</strong><br />
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The natural question that arises is whether India is doing enough or is there scope for a more intensive interaction. Here the answer is very clear: we should be doing much more. Africa is bound to become a very important player on the international scene in the coming years and India should leverage its historical and traditional relations with a renewed strategy of partnership. I could suggest some broad ideas. These, in fact, have been said by many experts who follow India- Africa relations.<br />
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• First and foremost, Africa and relations with that continent should be given a higher priority in our Foreign Policy than is being done now. Sporadic activities like Summits and Conferences alone will not be sufficient. There should be a mechanism to have a well thought out plan of action and sustained interaction. Our corporate sector should also become more pro-active. It is time to shift from conventional trade to more creative ways of economic cooperation like shifting some of the manufacturing to the African countries which could cut transport costs and more importantly provide employment to the Africans. Some pharmaceutical companies like Ranbaxy have already started this trend but we need more of these. The motto of the Corporate sector has to be low mark-up and high volumes. </div><div align="justify"><br />
• With a growing population in the working age (will be 1.1 billion by 2040) Africa is bound to gradually become the manufacturing hub of the world in the coming decades and India would do well to be one of the first arrivals. </div><br />
<div align="justify">• Increased FDI from India into promising economies of Africa should be a business strategy. </div><div align="justify"><br />
• The role of Academics and Universities in this reorientation of our priorities is vital. They are ideally placed to increase general awareness about Africa. In this context, I must thank profusely the University authorities for choosing Africa as the theme for today’s lecture. We need to have seminars and conferences to increase the level of knowledge about Africa in India. </div><br />
<div align="justify">• The Media has a great role to play in increasing the general awareness about Africa in India. Let us face the stark truth—how many articles do we see in the newspapers about Africa? During a talk on the recent landmark elections in his country at the ORF last week, the Rwandan High Commissioner remarked about the total absence of coverage of African issues in the Indian media. He wondered which was worse—the bad coverage by the Western media or the total absence of coverage by the Indian media. </div><br />
<div align="justify">• GOI should ensure speedy implementation of the projects identified. Due to our long winded procedures we have seen to be tardy in this respect. GOI has to look at this aspect very seriously and create a new mechanism, if necessary, to expedite and monitor projects. </div><br />
<div align="justify">• Agriculture is a promising area which needs a new focus and sustained action. No less a person than Dr. M.S. Swaminathan has repeatedly suggested that the Indian experience, marked by a strong national research capability and a multifaceted strategy suitable to the ecology and culture, holds promise for Africa. Closely related to agriculture is agro-processing industry. The potential is huge and if the Indian Corporate giants in this field can take the initiative it would be a win-win situation for all concerned. The Indian companies would have an assured return on their investments and the African nations would benefit from the revenues as well as the employment generated by these activities. </div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify">• Many African leaders feel that India is ideally placed to take its engagement with Africa to a much higher level, thanks to two factors—the traditional good relations that India has with the whole continent and the significant Indian Diaspora in many of the African countries. According to these leaders India should concentrate on two activities: it should lead the new industrialization in Africa and it should lead the human resources development for capacity building. This could be done both by training programs in India and by opening such institutions in Africa. </div><br />
<div align="justify">• The next Africa Forum Summit to be held in 2011 will provide an ideal occasion to assess our engagement with Africa and take measures to elevate it to higher levels. It may be a good idea for GOI to constitute Strategic Policy Group for Africa bringing in all the stake-holders so as to have a cross sectoral and a holistic approach to our renewed engagement with a resurgent Africa. </div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-66810774476327542412010-09-06T14:33:00.007+05:302010-09-12T16:57:34.995+05:30Prospects and challenges for a resurgent Africa- Amb.H.H.S.Viswanathan<div align="justify"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEic9N57UGMNqSWqEn1KC0NMdMR-BonovQ1iz-Rd1l0gh6R3OfYZHELfBKHp3wxrU0baUjuSI56PE8lmgKFE_lIZ8CiOu8fHDOFZ-IP0u3CYWnLRe_VB8E2Ijkq3m9iBQ-hpT1EhhsKtreA/s1600/vish.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5515984280778441442" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEic9N57UGMNqSWqEn1KC0NMdMR-BonovQ1iz-Rd1l0gh6R3OfYZHELfBKHp3wxrU0baUjuSI56PE8lmgKFE_lIZ8CiOu8fHDOFZ-IP0u3CYWnLRe_VB8E2Ijkq3m9iBQ-hpT1EhhsKtreA/s320/vish.jpg" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 175px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 190px;" /></a> <strong>Prospects and challenges for a resurgent Africa</strong>Lecture at Ranchi University by Amb.H.H.S.Viswanathan.<br />
6,September,2010<br />
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<strong>Image of Africa in the past</strong><br />
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Africa has been in the news in a very positive way in June and July this year because of the FIFA World Cup. It was a proud moment for Africa for having organized one of the best, if not the best ever, World Cup. Players like Drogba and Gyan became household names. We marveled at the meticulous organization of the event. But Africa, unfortunately, has not been getting such positive coverage traditionally. In fact, the awareness about Africa is both low and distorted. It is depicted as a Continent of war, disease and poverty with no hope of progress. Hardly any of the success stories of Africa would be reported. It is true that Africa, as a continent, has had more than its share of misfortunes. There have been historical reasons for this. Today, we see a new resurgent Africa. In my presentation, I will go into both these aspects.<br />
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The colonial and post colonial periods have been traumatic for Africa. During these periods the only narratives about Africa we heard were those of the colonial masters. And hence the distortion in the images appeared. There is a very perceptive African proverb which says “until the day the lions have their own story teller, the story of the hunt will glorify the hunters.”<br />
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The colonial exploitation of Africa is too well known for me to go into great details. Did things improve after decolonization and the independence of the colonies? Sadly this did not happen. Most of the countries did not have strong national institutions to face a hostile world. They did not have sufficient trained human resources to develop the newly independent states. Added to this were two important factors—the cold war and the control of vital mineral resources in the hands of foreign companies. Many countries suffered from military coups and counter coups actively abetted by foreign forces. With national resources being exploited with no accountability, there was no economic and social development worth the name. There was also a vested interest of the exploiting forces to continue portraying Africa in a bad light and Africans as under-developed and violent people. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Traditionally, Africans have been a peace loving, non- violent and tolerant people. Traditional African society was very distributive and just. Colonialism, with its concept of divide and rule, favoured economic and other advantages to certain groups which distorted the traditional balance and led to irreconcilable differences, the effects of which are seen even today in many countries, the case of Rwanda a few years ago, being an ideal example. The traditional African society is not very dissimilar to our own Indian society in the sense that community is considered more important than the individual. There is an African saying “I am, because you are”. Many prominent African writers have argued that to understand Africa it is imperative to recognize it in its totality along with the differences and contradictions. It is not as if there was no resistance to the colonial and post colonial exploitation. Freedom fighters from many African countries raised their voices; many of them followed the example of Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violent struggle. On a continental scale, this took the forms of negritude, pan-Africanism or African Socialism.<br />
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Throughout 60’s and the 70’s, even though the African nations could not make a break-through in the economic and developmental fields, they played an important role through the Non- aligned Movement. Many African leaders like Kwame Nkruma of Ghana, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Abdul Gamal Nasser of Egypt adopted Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s idea of Non-alignment and actively nurtured it in Africa. The movement reduced the adverse effects of a bitter cold war on the African Nations. Both the USA and the USSR had to be sensitive to the way the African countries would react in the inter-national for a taking into account the Non-aligned positions on various issues. This gave the African nations political space as well as relevance on the international scene.<br />
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Another important forum for the African countries to interact with each other and with the rest of the developing world was the G-77. This forum has a played a major role in protecting the interests of the developing countries.<br />
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<strong>Diversity of Africa</strong><br />
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It is a continent of 54 countries and almost a billion people with huge diversities among nations and within nations. While there are large countries like Nigeria and South Africa, there are 20 countries with a population of less than 5 million. Another 20- plus countries have a GDP less than $5billion. There are 60 international river basins shared by many countries. The diversity can also be found within countries. Since most of the colonial borders were drawn arbitrarily with no respect for ethnic or linguistic aspects, most countries have many such groups living across borders.<br />
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<strong>A new emergent Africa</strong><br />
The African scenario changes from the beginning of the 90’s. Various reasons contributed to this change. A major factor was the end of the cold war. Another factor was the emergence of new powers China and India on the international scene. A third factor was the beginning of the globalization process which picked up momentum in the 90’s. This process started to bring the African countries into its fold in an economic sense. Since free global trade was the Mantra, some of the African states, with relatively more developed economies could start playing a role. The period also was marked by an increase in commodity prices, particularly minerals like cobalt, bauxite, manganese, iron ore etc. Crude oil has always been in demand and the occasional spike in their prices greatly helped countries like Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Gabon and Sudan. A sudden surge in the growth rates in China and later in India also helped in the increase in commodity prices. New technologies encourage demand for new raw materials. For example, the new cell phone industry needs two minerals which are vital for the production of these phones—and they are coltan and cassiterite. The Democratic Republic of Congo holds an estimated 70 pre cent of the world’s coltan and 34 per cent of cassiterite. With the world churning out 25 cell phones every second one can imagine the level of demand for these minerals.<br />
The resurgence of Africa as a continent is both on the political and economic spheres. Let us take the political sphere first. In the last ten years, there has been a visible decrease in the number of violent conflicts. A recent McKinsey report says that the number of serious conflicts in which more than 1000 people died annually declined to an average of 2.6 a year in the 2000s from 4.8 in the 1990s.The number of military coups have also come down drastically. In a continent which was notorious for military coups and counter coups in the 60s,70s and 80s, these acts have become unfashionable and rare. According to an Economic Intelligence Report, the number of successful coups in Africa were around 20 in the 60s, 70s and 80s, but these numbers reduced to16 in the 90s and very significantly to just 7 in the 2000s.<br />
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Multi-Party democracy has started to take roots in the African Continent. Today more than 80per cent of all African countries have embraced multi-party democracy. There are, of course, many flaws in the democratic processes, but the fact remains that there is an overall improvement in the Governance and Transparency issues. Those countries which do not have multi-party democracies are facing considerable International and African pressure to change the system of governance.<br />
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Regular elections have become a common feature in the Continent. This was unheard of only a decade ago. This year would see an unprecedented number of elections. Burundi has just had one; so has Guinea. A few months earlier, Ethiopia and the semi-autonomous region of Somaliland held their elections. The recent Rwandan elections were considered a landmark in African politics. Other elections in the line are Tanzania and Chad. Even if the electoral processes are sometimes not up to Western standards, the voters are making politicians more and more accountable. This, by itself, is a great progress.<br />
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Another significant process of consulting the people in a democratic manner was the recent Referendum in Kenya which has led to the adoption of a new Constitution.<br />
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A very unique concept that has evolved in Africa in the last decade is the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). 24 countries have submitted themselves to this mechanism and many others are in the process of doing so. Under this, governance is judged by a group of “wise men”, usually retired elder statesmen of the continent. They give an objective view on the transparency and governance of the concerned countries. This is a case of the lions having their own story teller.<br />
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Another positive initiative has been the establishment of NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) in 2001.It was an initiative taken solely by the African leaders to place African countries individually and collectively on a path of sustainable growth and development and to halt the marginalization of Africa in the globalization process. This is a vision of a new generation of African leaders broadly on the parameters of market economy. This initiative has been actively supported by the international community. For eg. India has contributed more than $500 million to the NEPAD fund.<br />
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A major factor that has contributed to a positive image of Africa is the resolution of many conflicts within countries and between countries. A decade ago Rwanda, Liberia and Sierra Leone were breaking up due to civil wars. These have been resolved satisfactorily. The conflict between Nigeria and Cameroon over the Bakassi Peninsula has also been resolved to the satisfaction of both countries.<br />
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The other major political development in the continent is the increasing role being played by the African countries in International Organisations and on international issues. Big countries like Nigeria and South Africa are active in the United Nations, particularly on the question of the reform of the Organisation and the expansion of the Security Council. Most of the countries have also started effectively articulating their positions on global issues like climate change and the Doha Round of multilateral Trade negotiations. These are issues of vital importance to the continent.<br />
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Now, let us have a look at the economic resurgence of Africa in the last decade. According to an IMF report, Sub-Saharan Africa has been growing at an average of more than 5% per year during the period. Some of the States have registered even spectacular rates like Chad-34%, Angola-28% and Sudan-14%. Africa is only one of the two regions—the other being Asia –where the collective economy rose through the global recession of 2009 by 1.4%. This could be because of the limited integration of the Africa with the Global economy. But, we cannot take the credit away from the countries for the right mix of reform and economic policies. The Continent’s GDP is expected to grow by 3.8% in 2010 and by 4.6% in 2011. A significant factor of the growth is the steep rise in commodity prices like those of oil and minerals such as bauxite, cobalt, gold, cassiterite, coltan and diamonds due to the demand from emerging economies like China and India. The three largest oil producers of the Continent—Algeria, Nigeria and Angola earned $1 trillion during the period 2000 to 2008 compared to $300 million in the 1990s. But this does not mean that countries with poor mineral resources did not grow. The McKinsey report to which I referred to earlier says that commodity prices directly accounted for only about a quarter of the increase in the growth in the 2000s. There has been growth in 27 of the 30 largest economies, both resource rich and resource poor alike. Those with resources grew at 5.4% while those not so grew at 4.6%.<br />
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The all round growth has had a trickle down effect on poverty reduction and job creation to a certain extent, though it could be argued that the countries could have achieved much better results with a better management of the revenues. Collective inflation rate fell to 8% after 2000 from 22% in the 1990s. Budget deficits declined to 1.8% of the GDP from 4.6%. FDI surged to $62 billion in 2008 from $9 billion in 2000.<br />
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A glance at the consumption levels again indicates a very positive trend. Since 2000, 316 million people have got cell phone connections-ie. More than the population of the United States. Africa’s billion people spent $860 billion in 2008, more than India with a population of 1.2 billion. Thus Africa, as a whole, is turning into a very significant market and hence the renewed interest of the international community in the continent.<br />
The Sovereign currency ratings of many African countries have also seen favorable revisions by professional agencies. This has helped them to access loans at reasonable interest rates.o<br />
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The remarkable recovery of the African economy has many reasons—the most important among them are the reduction in violent conflicts, greater political stability, improved governance, rising commodity prices and sound macro- economic measures.<br />
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While talking of the positive trends on the economic side, it is necessary to mention the attempts being made to accelerate the sub-regional and regional integration of the economies that are taking place. I had earlier mentioned the fact of the existence of many small countries. Developmental projects for them can be envisaged only if a group of countries are bunched together. Similarly, large industries can become viable only if economies of scale are exploited. With these ideas in mind, the different regions are intensifying their efforts to strengthen and deepen the integration process. The SADC of the Southern African Region, the ECOWAS of the West African region and similar organizations in East and Central Africa are taking measures to become customs free zones. Free movement of goods, services and people in the respective regions will go a long way in realizing the full potential of these economies.<br />
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The African continent has its own development bank, the African Development bank and development Fund. The headquarters used to be in Abidjan, Cote d’ivoire. But due to the problems in that country, the headquarters has been temporarily shifted to Tunis, the capital of Tunisia. All the African countries are members and there are about 24 non- regional members. India is anon-regional member. Over the years, the Bank has done good work in addressing the African Development issues in a larger, continental scale to find holistic solutions. But, in my view, if we take into account the amount of money spent by the Bank, the results could be much better. One reason for a below optimum performance is the bloated bureaucracy of the bank and the enormous administrative costs. The other reason is the stress on conference and seminar related activities rather than on small, practical solutions. With periodical reforms in the procedures of the Bank, it can play a crucial role in the development of the continent at this defining moment.<br />
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<strong>Challenges</strong><br />
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The positive picture of Africa depicted so far should not make us think that the continent has solved most of its problems and overlook the challenges. Continued efforts are needed to consolidate the gains achieved so far. Countries like Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo are still conflict-ridden and behave like failing states. For a sustained development path, peace and stability in the continent are of paramount importance. Resettlement of the people affected by the various conflicts of the past is a major exercise. Any delay in this effort would only provoke new grievances.<br />
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The rise in commodity prices which, as we saw, has led to economic growth has a flip side to it. This is what the currency experts call the “Dutch disease”. The increase in the export earnings of minerals leads to an increase in the value of the local currency which makes their manufactured goods uncompetitive. This only adds to the existing negative factors which make manufacturing unviable in many countries, such as a high interest rate, bad infrastructure, shortage of power, serious transport bottle-necks etc. For eg. I have been told that it costs more to move a container from the Lagos Port in Nigeria to an inland province like Kaduna than shipping it from Mumbai to Lagos.<br />
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Agriculture is the area of greatest concern to the continent. Agriculture contributes to a very high share of the GDP and employment in many countries, but poverty still persists in the rural areas. African agriculture suffers from a low technological input, lack of viable micro-financing and most importantly the absence of a viable value addition chain from the farmer to the consumer. In many places the imported food grains and vegetables are cheaper than the locally produced. The agricultural subsidies in the US and EU aggravate the problem. Countries like Benin, Mali and Burkina Faso which depend mainly on the export of one commodity like cotton have been severely hit by the American subsidy to the cotton farmers in the US. The African countries have realized the seriousness of the issue and have become very vocal in the Doha round to take care of their vital interests.<br />
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Closely associated with the issue of agriculture is the question of climate change. For many countries in the Sahel region this is a matter of life and death. Increased desertification is causing a major problem for the livelihoods of the people there. Here again, the African countries have been articulating their concerns fairly effectively in the Climate Change talks.<br />
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It is also a matter of concern that most of the countries are lagging behind in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) envisaged by the UN in 2000.<br />
These economic and social targets were to be achieved by 2015 but many states are far from the targets, particularly in the social sectors like health and education. One study shows that an amount of $93 billion is required annually to achieve the MDGs; but at present the amount available is only $45 billion. There has to be greater international involvement in the developmental process.<br />
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On the political side, the countries need to further consolidate the democratic processes with better organized elections and greater transparency. Multi-party democracy is new to many African states and they need time to have the concept fully assimilated into their traditional milieu. For political democratization to be successful, there has to be economic decentralisation. Much work remains to be done in this area.<br />
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Other major challenges are the spread of terrorism, drug smuggling and human trafficking. The bombings in Uganda in July this year by the terrorist group Al Shabab in Somalia is a grim reminder of the fact that the menace is spreading in Africa. There are reports that many sleeper cells are in operation in the weakly governed States in Africa. In all these three issues there has to be an international strategy to tackle them.<br />
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The most important challenge is the increasing aspirations of the people. Good governance will be judged by how the effective the governments are in the delivery of the promises they make.<br />
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<strong>Conclusion</strong><br />
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What is the overall picture that we get from all this. I would conclude that the overall scenario is definitely positive. Africa, as a continent has never looked so vibrant, so promising. We also have to take into account the demographic dividend of the continent. The growing population of Africa is a young population. With aging populations throughout the world including China, Africa will have a considerable advantage in becoming a future hub for manufacturing, processing of minerals and also services. Even if it will take time to achieve this dream, the optimistic indicator is the fact after decades of struggles and false starts, the continent seems to be moving in the right direction. </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-45325302229800408862010-09-06T14:05:00.006+05:302010-09-12T16:57:58.773+05:30India Builds Asia's Largest Film School<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtV84Hm7ki2HOMkMMYgxXHnosOLyqFMNnVOHcvP-_UEBHVyhJdlvM63JzZjquW6y1PXRIgBEeef2vNU10kC8m8CklYIw8Q5Vpbs4R5FjbZmJubihfWowUcBMz98Y_-QKruw1fOtK-UT78/s1600/whisper.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5513721097555352754" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtV84Hm7ki2HOMkMMYgxXHnosOLyqFMNnVOHcvP-_UEBHVyhJdlvM63JzZjquW6y1PXRIgBEeef2vNU10kC8m8CklYIw8Q5Vpbs4R5FjbZmJubihfWowUcBMz98Y_-QKruw1fOtK-UT78/s320/whisper.jpg" style="cursor: hand; display: block; height: 260px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 387px;" /></a> <br />
<div align="justify">Film City, a state-government run enterprise, stretching out on 400 acres is known as Mumbai’s green lung. During the monsoon months, thickets and trees turn into a deep green and grass sprouts wildly all around. Whistling Woods International (WWI), a 20 acre film school (billed as Asia’s largest) , is set amidst this sylvan terrain. It regards itself as the third real film and media studies centre after the Film and Television Institute of India in Pune and the Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute in Kolkata.<br />
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WWI is a recent creation. Established in 2006 by one of the best known producer-director-screenwriters in the industry, Subhash Ghai, it is a complete film school, offering a two-year course not just in film, television and media arts but in broadcasting and media management as well. It covers direction, production, screenwriting, editing, cinematography and sound recording and design. There’s an MBA in Media and Entertainment as well, a part-time screenwriting course, a school of animation and an actor’s studio.<br />
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At first glance, the fee of USD35,000 (including boarding and lodging) may seem prohibitive, but the management claims this is just a fourth of global standards, and hence much more affordable than universities abroad. Nevertheless, the revenue from the film school is the largest in Asia.<br />
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For a new arrival on the scene, WWI is already bouncing with ambition and a sense of purpose. Its goal is to blossom into a ‘world-class media and entertainment facility.’ Only into its fourth year, it is already a member of the select Global Association of Film Schools, and is leveraging itself internationally. Plans are on to open campuses in other countries (“the search is for virgin markets”), beginning shortly with Spain (where an agreement has been signed) and moving on over three years to Hyderabad (land acquired), Kolkata, Dubai/Abu Dhabi, London, South Africa and/or Mauritius and Mexico and Bermuda.<br />
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A group of seven foreign delegates – all of them authors, scholars and writers on cinema – who had attended the International Conference on the Culture and Politics of Asian Cinema organised by NETPAC in New Delhi (18-22 August 2010) as guests of PD, MEA, visited WWI to see for themselves what the Institute had to offer.<br />
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The school’s 400-odd students (of all ages, some as young as 17 and others as old as 45) come from diverse educational backgrounds, but the Institute prefers graduates for all courses except acting. They follow a common foundation programme – including theory – for the first eight months, then branch out into specialised courses over the next eighteen. The broad-based curriculum covers film appreciation, history of cinema, music, international art, literature and culture as well as production design.<br />
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The stress, though, is overwhelmingly on the practical side of filmmaking. Each student is heavily engaged in production work, and by the end of two years, he has worked hands-on in six films, moving from simple handy cams to upper end high definition cameras. All the films are funded by the Institute.<br />
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“Our video lab has facilities for basic editing,” says Chaitanya Chinchlikar, Business Head of Mukta Arts, Subhash Ghai’s production house (the company has produced over 30 films in as many years – Ram Lakhan, Saudagar, Khalnayak, Taal, Yaadein, Iqbal, Joggers’ Park, to name a few). “Our students make three films in eight months. The work breaks their pretensions that filmmaking is somehow ‘cool’.”<br />
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The state-of-the-art facilities and technical resources include 25 acoustically panelled classrooms with speakers, screens and a projector, private screening rooms, internet café, gym, conference rooms with plasma screens, a multi-purpose sound suite, digital audio set-up and music recording studios.<br />
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We watched the shooting of Paschim Express- With Love (a new Mukta Arts film due for release in March next year) in the company of Subhash Ghai who proudly informed us that the film’s cast and crew were all WWI alumni. “We ask them to be clear about their objective,” he said. “Is this going to be a mainstream film or is it not?”<br />
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In the course of a lively interaction with Ghai, spoke of why he had set up his school. “There are many film families in India but I did not have any connections when I was growing up. While there a good deal of instinctive talent here, the opportunities to discover it, to learn, un-learn and relearn things are few. Earlier filmmakers created studios for their children but provided no knowledge, experience or money for others.” Ghai raised funds from the market and spent two years with his team researching on how to run a school, and how to adapt the curricula he studied in India and abroad to local needs. “We had to include Indian culture and heritage because we must tell our stories to the world,” he said.<br />
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His way to ensure the best for his Institute was to rope in good teachers and pay them well. He would like students to develop their own passions and force nothing on themselves. “We don’t teach them so much as interact with them. Films, after all, reflect society. It’s a question of demand and supply. When a country develops, its cinema changes.” The presence of international students (15% of the student body; half of the rest are NRIs), Ghai believes, is cultural communication at its best. “Our courses give the foreign student scope to explore Asia and its stories, it is new human experience.”<br />
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WWI has brought together some of the best minds from the entertainment industry to form its faculty, Academic Advisory Board and Governing council. While the Governing Council boasts names such as (among others) Anand Mahindra and Kiran Karnik, the AAB is a who’s who list in cinema: Shyam Benegal (Chairman), Dilip Kumar, Shabani Azmi, Javed Akhtar, Hema Malini, Nagesh Kukunoor, Naseeruddin Shah, Shahrukh Khan, A R Rehman, Ashutosh Gowarikar, Om Puri, Karan Johar and many others. The faculty itself comes with a ten to fifteen year experience, and combines teaching with the real world of production, alternating between the classroom and film set. And a large guest faculty is brought in to enrich the content. This includes celebrated names in the world of film: Danny Boyle (UK), Claude Lelouch (France), Theo Angelopoulous (Greece), Dan Wolman (Israel), Guillermo Navarro (Mexico) and Tom Abrams USA).<br />
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<strong>Latika Padgaonkar</strong><br />
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<strong>Observations from some of the delegates who visited Whistling Woods:</strong><br />
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"At Whistling Woods we got a glimpse of the future of Indian cinema where students from around the world learned the techniques behind putting their dreams onto celluloid. I look forward to reporting at greater length on these two very different dream factories."<br />
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<em>-Patrick Frater (Hong Kong): operates F Media, a consulting and co-production advisory business which works with producers, festivals and financiers. Co-founder of Film Business Asia (www.filmbiz.asia), a next-generation film trade publication. Formerly Asia editor at Variety and international editor at Screen Int.</em><br />
“This is a part of India’s efforts for a globalised impact.”<br />
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<em>-Ed Lejano (Philippines): freelance film journalist, filmmaker, and currently Director of the University of the Philippines Film Institute. Former Programme Director of the International Academy of Film & Television (IAFT/Bigfoot Entertainment) in Cebu.</em><br />
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“I was impressed by Mr Ghai’s participation in the film shooting, and by his story: how he found the professionals and the staff; how he handed it all over to another generation; and how he yet works with the young.”<br />
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<em>-Gulnara Abikeyeva (Kazakhstan): well-known film historian, critic, editor, author and Professor at the Kazakh State Institute of Cinema and Theatre, and Artistic Director, International Eurasia Film Festival.</em><br />
“For the further growth and development of Indian film industry, Whistling Woods is a well-planned project to take it to a higher level.”<br />
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<em>- Gonul Donmez-Colin (Turkey): well-known critic, editor, author, independent researcher and specialist in the cinemas of Turkey, the Middle East and Central Asia.</em><br />
“An ambitious effort to educate young India’s media professionals.”<br />
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<em>-Mark Schilling (Japan): author and film critic; has been living in Japan since 1975 and writing on Japanese cinema since 1989 for many publications. He is the senior film reviewer for The Japan Times and Japan correspondent for Variety. </em></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com33tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-27916511833402032112010-09-01T13:17:00.004+05:302010-09-12T17:04:10.962+05:30Revealing India – Cinema with a Purpose<div align="justify"><object height="385" width="480"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/T48i6WaoK1g?fs=1&hl=en_US"><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/T48i6WaoK1g?fs=1&hl=en_US" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object> <br />
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A group of men walk towards a young boy being carried by his father. As the boy notices that the men are Muslim, he frantically rubs the stripes off his father’s forehead, trying to conceal their religious identity from the hostile group. Another clip reveals a woman questioning why she has to feel incomplete without a man. These aren’t scenes from an Oscar line-up with themes of terrorism, gender equality or the intricacy of human relationships. These are excerpts from regional Indian films that reveal an India far removed from popular perception created by commercial Bollywood films. The themes and messages are very close to not only the film makers’ hearts, but a reflection of the reality in different regions of India. There are a thousand movies produced in this country annually. To most of us this would translate to Bollywood, as the Hindi film industry is popularly known, churning out a majority of these films. However, Anu Radha’s ‘Cinema with a Purpose’ reveals the lesser known facts about the film industry outside Bollywood, which in fact dominates 70 percent of the film production in India. </div><div align="justify"><br />
It would be unfair to say that Bollywood only produces big budget commercial fare with a focus on style rather than substance. There is a lot of originality and experimentation within Bollywood today, but ‘Cinema with a Purpose’ suggests that regional cinema has long been ahead of Bollywood when it comes to realistic or controversial themes. The documentary is peppered with excerpts from Tamil, Bengali, Telegu and Marathi films that focus on everything from communalism to hierarchical relationships in society. To believe that these cater to a well educated or urban niche audience is also a misconception. Interviews with film makers and actors like Nandita Das and Amol Palekar reveal that regional film festivals are well attended by a cross section of rickshaw pullers to local homemakers to students. These films run for a considerable time in theatres with their inspirational messages and a reality that many in the audience have experienced. </div><a name='more'></a><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"><br />
The commitment and responsibility that many regional film makers feel towards their audience is also touched upon. Family relationships dominate several films as it is an important part of Indian life. The interaction between a father and son is portrayed in an identifiable way, influencing and inspiring the audience. Renowned actors and directors like Kamal Hassan felt that in a country like India, where cinema is a religion, one’s iconic status should be used to help society, like bringing your fans together to work as “social servers”. The documentary reveals how regional film makers focus on making their work more regional, deep rooted and distinct, striking a chord with their audience. A country as large and diverse as India needs to have stories and themes from each of its regions to reveal the bigger picture. </div><div align="justify">‘Cinema with a purpose’ gives us a quick glimpse of this picture, encouraging one to discover the story of India that lies in its various regions. In a crisp 30 minute capsule, Anu Radha manages to convey the variety and innovation in regional cinema in an interesting and quick-paced style. For those of you who are cinema buffs or are looking to explore and understand a country as large and diverse as India, regional cinema and ‘Cinema with a Purpose’ is definitely a starting point.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-11449294134406877882010-09-01T12:51:00.009+05:302010-09-12T16:59:07.366+05:30Asian Film Critics bowled over by Hyderabad Film City<div align="center"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibHbYzFjAyCizHPUfcgzVgJi1AeEpF96DykM3_uXgAe4QHlDkpfSRyCFGl4k51zWPL-2b49D8PkXXskczSern2hZ1vGg4c5kZvqlkDn0Hk85ZrPL3VhuBGvG8gvxpQN21abUQzDTeEyHY/s1600/Fancy+Street+Ramoji.JPG"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5511924905688962002" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibHbYzFjAyCizHPUfcgzVgJi1AeEpF96DykM3_uXgAe4QHlDkpfSRyCFGl4k51zWPL-2b49D8PkXXskczSern2hZ1vGg4c5kZvqlkDn0Hk85ZrPL3VhuBGvG8gvxpQN21abUQzDTeEyHY/s320/Fancy+Street+Ramoji.JPG" style="cursor: hand; display: block; height: 240px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 320px;" /></a> <em>The group was invited and hosted by Public Diplomacy Division of MEA in connection with the Netpac film festival. ( At Fancy Street, Ramoji Film City)</em></div><div align="justify"><br />
Ramoji Film City, an hour’s drive from Hyderabad, is a total package. Vast (it sprawls over 1666 acres) and monumental, extravagant and flamboyant, it appears to be, at first a collection of sets for cinema. In the words of its founder, Ramoji Rao, “it is a gateway, a one-stop shop for directors, providing every single item they may ever need… All you have to do is walk in with a script and walk out with a canned film.” And every in-betweens can be found right here.<br />
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The world’s largest studio, according to the Guinness World Records, there’s not a service Ramoji Film City does not provide: production paraphernalia, audio and video post-production (the audio lab is particularly remarkable, with its data-base of sound effects and its networked sound facility), film lab, high-end technology, state-of-the-art cameras, set design, costumes, props and, above all, locations. There’s enough infrastructure here to host 200 productions a year and an unlimited number of TV programmes. Ramoji Rao, owner of Eenadu TV and its twelve channels, says his offerings are far cheaper and more productive than any in Mumbai, and there’s scope for growth.<br />
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The sets are what catch your eye as you drive down the immaculate roads. Atop a hill is Hawa Mahal for romantic shots and Fantasy Street for honeymoon scenes. The terraced Moghul Gardens with fountains and running water are for a regal ambience. An airport (with a replica of an aircraft), a train station (with a train) where crowds can be drummed up, a bazaar, a village backdrop, atmospheric Kerala homes, a hospital, a prison, a post office, Greek and Roman statuary, and Konarak-style grandiose statues of buxom Indian women. There is the mandatory temple (“godless temple,” said our guide, “the directors can bring in his own gods!”), the mosque, the palace and a South Indian market. More, for “foreign shots” there is a replica of London’s Princess Street (“front side London, back side India!”). Landscaped gardens against elegant Rajasthani-style architecture (for marriages of the wealthy) and animals carved out of bushes, a Japanese garden (for aesthetics and meditation), and an Arizona garden full of sand and prickly cacti (“for sad scenes”). And then there is the tree-lined “national highway” where you can shoot (especially at night) some of the basic stuff of Indian cinema: car accidents, kidnappings, hijackings, chases, bomb blasts and terrorist attacks. As we drive down the hill, our guide points in a practical way to a ledge between boulders on the slope. “Suicide point, madam.” All these are ready-to-shoot options, but should filmmakers desire none of this (Shyam Benegal’s Welcome to Sajjanpur was shot here) you only have to ask.<br />
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In a chat with a group of foreign delegates who were visiting the City following an international conference on cinema organised by the Network for the Promotion of Asian Cinema in New Delhi and supported by PD, MEA, Mr Rao said that films in several Indian language have been made here, a bulk of them in Telugu, but as well in Tamil, Malayalam, Hindi, Bengali, Oriya, Kannada. “We have had a couple of international productions, but there was some hesitation after 9/11 because of the reputation for terrorism in Hyderabad.”<br />
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But there’s much else besides film accoutrements. The City’s website tells you of the full tourism package it offers: holiday packages, hotels, health clubs, spas, multi-cuisine restaurants, provision for special and corporate events, weddings (with “innovative mandaps”) and honeymoons, theme parties and stunt shows. Ramoji Movie Magic gives “an audio-visual illusion of reel world” and you can be a part of special effects.<br />
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A dream world unto itself, as Indian cinema would want it.<br />
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-Latika Padgaonkar<br />
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“Our tour was eye opening in the way that it revealed the diversity of possibilities within India for the film industry. At Ramoji Studios we go to see the most extraordinary movie-making complex. With its landscapes, gardens, standing sets and multiple sound stages, truly anything could be shot on campus.”<br />
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<em>-Patrick Frater (Hong Kong): operates F Media, a consulting and co-production advisory business which works with producers, festivals and financiers. Co-founder of Film Business Asia (www.filmbiz.asia), a next-generation film trade publication. Formerly Asia editor at Variety and international editor at Screen Int.</em><br />
“From my point of view, coming from a country with no studios, this has left a big impression. Have seen many world studios but nothing this large.”<br />
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<em>-Intishal al-Timimi (Iraq): Curator of Arab films for the Abu Dhabi International Film festival; photographer, journalist, former Artistic Director of the Arab Film Festival in Rotterdam, and programme advisor for several international film festivals.</em><br />
“I am impressed that it is the largest cinema city in the world. But I expected more activity. I saw many empty spaces and this is a paradox.”<br />
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<em>-Gulnara Abikeyeva (Kazakhstan): well-known film historian, critic, editor, author and Professor at the Kazakh State Institute of Cinema and Theatre, and Artistic Director, International Eurasia Film Festival.</em><br />
“I am privileged to be part of this exciting trip to Ramoji Film Studios. It is a dream world for the cinema industry and for lovers of cinema. Thank you for making it possible.”<br />
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<em>- Gonul Donmez-Colin (Turkey): well-known critic, editor, author, independent researcher and specialist in the cinemas of Turkey, the Middle East and Central Asia.</em><br />
“Quite an amazing eye-opener for a varied group of film journalists to experience first hand the rich pleasures of India’s unique practices for their own brand of cinema.”</div><div align="justify"><em>-Ed Lejano (Philippines): freelance film journalist, filmmaker, and currently Director of the University of the Philippines Film Institute. Former Programme Director of the International Academy of Film & Television (IAFT/Bigfoot Entertainment) in Cebu.</em><br />
“This is an Indian version of Universal Studios; it resembles the Amwrican magnate William Randolph Hearst’s mansion, Hearst Castle, in California – a grand personal vision open to the public." </div><div align="justify"><br />
</div><div align="justify"><em>-Mark Schilling (Japan): author and film critic; has been living in Japan since 1975 and writing on Japanese cinema since 1989 for many publications. He is the senior film reviewer for The Japan Times and Japan correspondent for Variety.</em><br />
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“These are impressive, indeed fantastic studios, bet very little is known about them internationally. The hotel food is excellent.”<br />
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<em>- Lekha Jayashankar (Thailand): Indian journalist, film critic, travel writer living in Thailand. Presently writes on films and other cultural subjects, for the two top English newspapers, Bangkok Post and Nation, as also many English magazines. Presently Film Coordinator of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand.</em></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com53tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-30319765719685048042010-08-30T16:50:00.005+05:302010-09-12T16:59:29.205+05:30Amb. Sudhir Devare on India's Look East Policy<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqfM7_nr0a4gbXRr_qPiydArmzAGvo6SHWpeN09GyfhM3X0QtHS4ZLn5EluJWzqvaHTqEtsgrhq8eLc5lNR17o-hgiIyp7wsrDQfEOLSnWL_T9W33AKlK3vPXJlGRc8xhVj4DJy-CZImQ/s1600/Amb.+Devare+at+Tezpur.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5511168071902000530" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqfM7_nr0a4gbXRr_qPiydArmzAGvo6SHWpeN09GyfhM3X0QtHS4ZLn5EluJWzqvaHTqEtsgrhq8eLc5lNR17o-hgiIyp7wsrDQfEOLSnWL_T9W33AKlK3vPXJlGRc8xhVj4DJy-CZImQ/s320/Amb.+Devare+at+Tezpur.jpg" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 320px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 214px;" /></a> <br />
<div><strong>Former External Affair Secretary Amb. Sudhir Devare addresses Tezpur University</strong> </div><div align="justify"><br />
Ambassador Sudhir T Devare, Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs and a former Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India delivered a Lecture on “India’s Look East Policy vis- a –vis the North East : Issues and Concerns” at the Kalaguru Bishni Prasad Rabha Auditorium of Tezpur University yesterday, August 27. The lecture was organized under the aegis of the Public Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of External Affairs as one in the Distinguished Lecture Series being initiated by the Division from this year. Speaking to a packed audience of the students, research scholars, faculty members and other dignitaries, Ambassador Devare dwelt upon the genesis of the Look East Policy and its ramifications and implications in the broader context of the new global economic realities and the perspective of the north east. While tracing the origin of the Look East policy in the 1994, Mr. Devare pointed out that India has been historically involved with providing global and regional leadership right from the years following our independence as witnessed in the pivotal role played by India in the Non Aligned Movement. Referring to the aspects of foreign policy dynamics and its evolution with the changing geopolitical developments, Mr. Devare pointed out to the post Soviet Russia disintegration shifts in global geopolitics and its consequences. </div><a name='more'></a><br />
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The strategic importance of the north east India against the backdrop of the fast developing economic and political scenario in the South East Asia- including Thailand, Myanmar, Singapore, Vietnam, and China, the eminent diplomat highlighted the importance of India’s proactive role in forwarding the country’s economic advantage. While agreeing to the genuine feeling of concern that there is little perceptible and tangible achievements in all these years on furthering the issue of Look East policy, he emphasized upon the need for constant dialogue with these countries at the people to people level as well, taking advantage of the common socio- cultural milieu of these countries. Deliberating on the much hyped Asian Highway project connecting India with Singapore through Myanmar, the Ambassador highlighted upon the great potential implicit in the project. Mr. Devare also pointed out at the new perceptions in security concepts- apart from the traditional military perspectives and pointed out towards the need for strategies within the policy frame work to address the issues of ecological security, terrorism and trafficking of drugs and narcotics. </div><br />
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The lecture organized under the Distinguished Lecture Series programme of the Public Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of external Affairs, is an initiative with an objective of promoting a greater understanding of India’s position on key foreign policy issues and encourages a greater interest in global issues and to contribute to a more informed discourse on them. Professor Amarjyoti Choudhury, Pro Vice Chancellor, Tezpur University while extending a warm welcome to the seasoned diplomat Mr. Devare, appreciated the initiatives of the Ministry of External Affairs. Mr. Devare who is the Director General of the Indian Council of World Affairs promised to extend all help on the proposal that the Ministry may come forward in establishing a Centre for the study of India’s Look East Policy at Tezpur University. </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-46230431315876820962010-08-23T13:02:00.008+05:302010-09-12T17:00:09.340+05:30India's Climate Change Diplomacy<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZ2YTbeS2JoaSZPXhlCa5aFPd2vPkpVeE4HaTGzNtH0Ws01NF4pqDj-TRadhjep3dHnl9m4zRLcMUf4_tQB2xx2vLkS64uCK_eevwoHFelgg-sJMtS_NXJyIiPuO8a4MFtNz55zlGOn58/s1600/dasgupta.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5508594857757425506" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhZ2YTbeS2JoaSZPXhlCa5aFPd2vPkpVeE4HaTGzNtH0Ws01NF4pqDj-TRadhjep3dHnl9m4zRLcMUf4_tQB2xx2vLkS64uCK_eevwoHFelgg-sJMtS_NXJyIiPuO8a4MFtNz55zlGOn58/s320/dasgupta.jpg" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 238px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 320px;" /></a><br />
<div align="justify"><strong>India’s Climate Change Diplomacy</strong><br />
by Chandrashekhar Dasgupta* </div><div align="justify">Banglore University 23 Aug 2010<br />
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I am delighted to have an opportunity to address alumni of the Bangalore University on the subject of climate change and Indian diplomacy. Twenty years ago, most people thought of climate change as an esoteric subject reserved for meteorologists and atmospheric scientists. When I first became deeply involved with climate change issues in 1990, it raised many eyebrows and I was frequently asked why a Foreign Service officer should spend his time on climate change. Indian diplomats today do not have to field such questions. Climate change is recognized as one of the most important global issues confronting humankind. It figures prominently on the agenda of virtually every major international summit.<br />
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<strong><em>Nature of the climate change problem</em></strong><br />
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<strong>Why is this so? What is the nature of the climate change problem?</strong><br />
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Our planet has experienced several cyclical climatic changes over the ages because of the operation of the forces of nature. The current phenomenon of global warming is, however, unprecedented. Its unique feature is that it is not caused by nature but by human activities. Its primary cause is the ever-increasing consumption of hydrocarbon fuels – coal, petroleum and natural gas - since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. Combustion of increasing quantities of hydrocarbon fuels has generated a corresponding increase in emissions of carbon dioxide- the main greenhouse gas – into the atmosphere. The build-up, or concentration, of greenhouse gases in the earth’s atmosphere is causing the phenomenon of climate change or, in popular terminology, global warming. Unlike the cyclical climatic changes of past eras, the phenomenon we are confronting today has been caused by human beings.<br />
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The increased carbon dioxide emissions have originated mainly in the industrialized or developed countries. They are associated not only with high levels of industrial and agricultural production but also with affluent lifestyles involving heavy fuel consumption for private transportation, heating and other domestic uses. Each human being in the affluent, developed countries consumes much greater quantities of hydrocarbon fuels – and thus generates much higher levels of greenhouse gas emissions – than their fellow human beings in developing countries. For example, India’s per capita emissions are around 1.2 tonnes per annum, while the figure for the United States is over 19 tonnes.<br />
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If all countries had the same per capita emissions as India, the climate change problem would not have arisen. The problem has arisen because of excessively high levels of past and present per capita emissions in the affluent, developed countries. These countries are primarily responsible for precipitating climate change.<br />
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However, though the affluent, industrialized countries are responsible for causing the problem, the most severe impacts of climate change will be experienced by the developing countries. The poorer countries are more vulnerable because they lack the financial, technical and human resources needed to cope with and adapt to climate change.<br />
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Their flimsy dwellings and the basic infrastructure of their towns and villages will be unable to withstand the extreme weather events resulting from climate change. They cannot afford the costs of building more durable homes or infrastructure capable of withstanding the impacts of climate change. Traditional farmers are highly vulnerable to variations in temperature and rainfall patterns. They lack the financial resources and sometimes also the skills required to adapt to climate change through such measures as switching to drought resistant plant varieties, drip irrigation and other water conservation measures, etc. Adaptation to climate change will require a wide range of responses, including construction of new physical infrastructure, watershed management, water conservation measures, protection of coastlines, improved disaster management capacities, etc. Poorer countries will be unable to implement these measures on an adequate scale - unless they are able to generate the required resources through rapid development.<br />
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<strong>India’s response to climate change</strong><br />
In the final analysis, an effective climate change strategy for a developing country like India must be based on rapid economic and social development and poverty eradication. This is essential for generating the financial, technological and human resources needed to adapt to climate change. If we fail to achieve rapid and inclusive development, our future generations will lack a significant capacity to cope with the devastating impacts of climate change. Inclusive development and adaptation capacity go hand in hand and are mutually supportive.<br />
Our carbon dioxide emissions will inevitably grow with development and the associated increase in energy consumption. Today almost half of our households have no electricity or gas connection. This is totally unacceptable. As living standards rise, energy consumption and emission levels will also increase.<br />
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This does not mean that we can do nothing to moderate the increasing emissions. We should contribute to a global effort to mitigate climate change by moderating the inevitable increase in our greenhouse gas emissions wherever this is possible without diverting resources from the overriding priorities of inclusive economic and social development. Such possibilities exist in many areas. Specifically,<br />
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* We should accord priority to implementing cost-effective energy saving and energy efficiency programmes. These simultaneously promote our development and climate change mitigation goals. Wasteful energy consumption slows down development and needlessly increases emission levels. </div><div align="justify"><br />
* We should explore every opportunity to enhance our energy security by switching over from imported hydrocarbon fuels to economically viable renewable energy sources such as hydroelectric, solar and wind power as well as nuclear power. We are almost certain to witness a gradual transition from hydrocarbon to renewable energy over the next several decades. We should position ourselves to take full advantage of this transition to promote our development and mitigation goals.<br />
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* Finally, we can simultaneously promote many of our health-related local environmental goals with climate change mitigation. For example, the switchover from diesel to CNG in Delhi’s public transportation system was aimed at addressing a local, health-related environmental concern but, as a co-benefit, it also reduced carbon emissions. Similarly, proper disposal of urban solid wastes can also reduce greenhouse gas emissions as a co-benefit.<br />
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India’s National Action Plan on Climate Change launched in June 2008 sets out a comprehensive response to climate change in the overall context of development, covering both adaptation and mitigation measures, in addition to scientific research. Its eight missions relate to solar energy; energy efficiency; sustainable habitat; water; the Himalayan ecosystem; “Green India”; agriculture; and sustainable knowledge for climate change. </div><div align="justify"><br />
The National Action Plan seeks to systematically identify “measures that promote our development objectives while also yielding co-benefits for addressing climate change effectively”. It points out that developing countries lack the necessary financial and technological resources needed for adaptation and thus have very low coping capacity to meet the threat of climate change. Only rapid and sustained development can generate the required financial, technological and human resources needed to build up coping capacity. It, therefore, emphasizes the “overriding priority” of economic and social development and poverty eradication. The overall approach of the National Action Plan is to seek synergies between development and climate change adaptation and mitigation.<br />
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<strong>Climate change and diplomacy</strong><br />
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I now turn to India’s climate change diplomacy. A country’s foreign policy, or diplomacy, should reflect its national interests as well as broader considerations of international equity or justice. For this reason, I began my talk by outlining the equity-related aspects of the climate change problem, as well as India’s domestic climate change policies. This provides the necessary background to our diplomatic initiatives in international forums.<br />
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International negotiations on climate change commenced in 1990. They led to the conclusion of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in 1992. Under the umbrella of this convention, the Kyoto Protocol was agreed in 1997.<br />
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Right at the beginning of the negotiations in 1990, India presented a text for a climate change agreement. This was based on the equity principle that every human being has an equal right to the atmospheric resource. The developed countries, with their excessively high per capita historical and current emission levels, have exceeded their fair share of the atmospheric resource and are thus responsible for causing climate change. These countries also possess the financial and technological resources needed to address the problem. Our draft agreement contained the following proposals.<br />
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• The concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere should be stabilized at an appropriate level “on the basis of an equitable formula requiring, inter alia, that anthropogenic emissions of carbon dioxide from States should converge at a common per capita level, and which would take into account net carbon dioxide emissions during this century”. </div><div align="justify"><br />
• Developed countries would be required to stabilize their emissions at 1990 levels by the year 2000 at the latest and, thereafter, progressively reduce their emissions to agreed levels in a time-bound manner. </div><div align="justify"><br />
• Developed countries would also be required to provide financial resources to developing countries as well as access to technology on “preferential and non-commercial’ terms.<br />
• Developing countries would have no such binding commitments. However, they may “consider feasible measures with regard to climate change provided that the full incremental costs involved are met by the provision of new and additional financial resources from the developed countries.”<br />
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In short, on the basis of the principle of equity, we called on the affluent developed countries to cut down their emissions in an adequate and timely manner, as well to bear the incremental costs of mitigation and adaptation actions implemented by the developing countries.<br />
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The negotiations that followed were extremely difficult and complicated. Most developed countries agreed to a stabilization target but were not prepare to discuss further time-bound reduction targets. The United States was totally opposed to any reduction target, or even a time-bound stabilization target. These countries also insisted that developing countries should take on binding mitigation commitments. They stoutly opposed proposals for technology transfer on anything other than commercial terms.<br />
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The Framework Convention on Climate Change that finally emerged after tortuous negotiations makes a clear differentiation between the responsibilities of the developed and developing countries, respectively. It notes that the “largest share of historical and current global emissions of greenhouse gases has originated in developed countries, that per capita emissions in developing countries are still relatively low and that the share of global emissions originating in developing countries will grow to meet their social and development needs”.<br />
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The Convention contains a general requirement for all countries to implement measures to mitigate and adapt to climate change. For developing countries, this general commitment is conditional upon receipt of financial and technological support from developed countries.<br />
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Developed countries have specific commitments regarding stabilization and reduction of their greenhouse gas emissions even though these are artfully couched in ambiguous and imprecise language in order to accommodate the United States. Developed countries are also required to provide ‘such financial resources, including for the transfer of technology, needed by the developing country parties to meet the agreed full incremental costs of implementing [agreed] measures.”<br />
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The conditional and contractual nature of the obligations of the developing countries is made explicit by inclusion of a paragraph drafted by India. This paragraph, which was accepted by the developed countries only after very difficult negotiations, reads as follows:<br />
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“The extent to which developing country Parties will effectively implement their commitments under the Convention will depend on the effective implementation by developed country parties of their commitments under the Convention related to financial resources and transfer of technology and will take fully into account that economic and social development and poverty eradication are the first and overriding priorities of the developing country parties”.<br />
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The Framework Convention on Climate Change is an equity-based agreement with a clear differentiation between the responsibilities and commitments of the developed and developing countries, respectively. It validates our position that developing countries have no obligation to bear the costs of mitigating climate change since they are not responsible for causing the problem. Developed countries, on the other hand, have obligations to reduce their emissions and to provide financial and technological resources to developing countries to support mitigation and adaptation actions.<br />
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The Convention, however, left some unfinished business. It did not specify the time-bound emission reduction commitments of the developed countries. This lacuna was filled by the Kyoto Protocol in December 1997. A change in the US administration made it possible to conclude this agreement. The Clinton administration which took over in 1993 adopted a proactive stand on climate change, mainly because of the efforts of the Vice-President, Al Gore. Gore played a leadership role in ensuring the success of the negotiations in Kyoto. Under the Kyoto Protocol each developed country was allotted an emission reduction target to be achieved by 2012. The Protocol further requires developed countries to negotiate new and deeper cuts for the periods following 2012. Unfortunately, the US soon distanced itself from the new agreement partly because of another change in the administration and partly because of Congressional opposition to the Kyoto Protocol.<br />
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<strong>The challenge ahead: defending climate justice and development rights</strong><br />
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We have seen that India has played a vigorous and proactive role in the climate change negotiations. In cooperation with like-minded developing countries, we have successfully negotiated an equity-based climate regime comprising the Framework Convention and its Kyoto Protocol.<br />
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Regrettably, however, the developed countries have fallen short in complying with their obligations under these agreements. Instead of the expected reduction, their greenhouse gas emissions have actually registered an increase in the last decade. Moreover, these countries are now trying to shift a major share of their obligations to the shoulders of the so-called “emerging economies” like India, China, Brazil and South Africa. They are pressing us to assume new, legally-binding emission commitments and even share the responsibility of the affluent countries to provide financial support to others.<br />
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Even though India’s per capita emissions are only one-eighth of the average of the developed countries, we are under pressure to cap and reduce our emission levels soon after 2020. This would mean that our per capita emissions – and per capita consumption of hydrocarbon fuels – must remain at a level that is a small fraction of that of the advanced and affluent countries. In theory, it will of course open to us to switch massively to renewable energy but this will entail a huge increase in energy prices with available technological options. In effect, we are being pressed to sign a new agreement under which we would pledge to remain poorer than others in order to mitigate climate change!<br />
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We are also being pressed to convert the mitigation measures envisaged in our National Action Plan on Climate Change into binding international commitments and subject these to international reviews and consultations. This is the first step towards demanding that our targets should be negotiated, rather than nationally determined, as at present.<br />
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India and other developing countries have pointed out that these proposals are totally inconsistent with the universally accepted UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. These protests are simply being brushed aside by the developed countries. Most developed countries have taken the position that they will not agree to further emission reduction commitments after 2012 under the Kyoto Protocol, unless the accord is totally revised.<br />
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In a nutshell, the position in current negotiations is that India and other like-minded developing countries are calling for enhanced implementation of existing agreements, while the developed countries are seeking a fundamental revision of these agreements, setting aside questions of equity and climate justice. Threats of punitive trade-related measures have been held out against developing countries if they refuse to fall the line. There can be little doubt that the proposals being advanced by the affluent countries of the North are related less to climate change than the defence of their current privileged global status against the challenges posed by “emerging economies”.<br />
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<strong>Conclusion</strong><br />
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Let me conclude with the observation that India has no real option but to defend the equity-based climate change regime comprising the UN Framework Convention and the Kyoto Protocol and to insist that all countries – developed or developing – should enhance implementation of their existing commitments. For our part, we should spare no effort, on a voluntary basis, to implement our National Action Plan, regardless of the shortfalls of the developed countries. We have neither the means nor the intention of compelling powerful, affluent countries to act in conformity with their treaty obligations but we must not absolve them of their responsibilities by negotiating a new agreement in conflict with the existing regime. We must continue to defend environmental justice and our development rights.<br />
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Thank you.<br />
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<strong><em>*Chandrashekhar Dasgupta</em></strong><br />
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Chandrashekhar Dasgupta (b. 1940) was an Indian Foreign Service officer from 1962 to his retirement in 2000. He served as Ambassador to the European Union and Belgium (1996 – 2000), Ambassador to China (1993 – 1996), DPR & Ambassador at the United Nations (1986 – 1999), High Commissioner in Tanzania (1984 – 86), High Commissioner in Singapore (1981 – 83), etc.<br />
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Dasgupta led the Indian delegation in the preparatory negotiations for the Rio Summit on Environment and Development (1992) as well as the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. He was Vice-Chair of both the UN preparatory committee for the Rio Summit as well as the International Negotiating Committee for the Framework Convention.<br />
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Dasgupta is presently a Member of PM’s Council on Climate Change; Member of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and Distinguished Fellow at TERI. He is the author of War and Diplomacy in Kashmir, 1947-48, and numerous essays and articles on international affairs and global environmental issues.<br />
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Dasgupta was awarded the Padma Bhushan by the President of India.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6379388665261135972.post-62069207039863086482010-07-17T08:33:00.001+05:302010-09-12T17:02:16.274+05:30Amb. R.M. Abhyankar Lecture on 'India & West Asia' at IIT Mumbai on 16th July 2010<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHYxtiVMEGfeYaNkRtvkz6IGMXNmPfAmbfg7kOiUvqm7Tw3dDGVeOqwqri5n1AL3FpVeuZWKTzOHyV6dlwuivZQ2-i_lbB2C05Mb9_JERoqFif2_uTv4SwJohNqC07zjfeC1CclI1RjVA/s1600/rma09.bmp"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5494717059801905058" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHYxtiVMEGfeYaNkRtvkz6IGMXNmPfAmbfg7kOiUvqm7Tw3dDGVeOqwqri5n1AL3FpVeuZWKTzOHyV6dlwuivZQ2-i_lbB2C05Mb9_JERoqFif2_uTv4SwJohNqC07zjfeC1CclI1RjVA/s320/rma09.bmp" style="cursor: hand; float: left; height: 320px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; width: 263px;" /></a><br />
<div align="justify">“INDIA AND WEST ASIA”<br />
MEA Distinguished Lecture Series on India's Foreign Policy<br />
Indian Institute of Technology, Mumbai, 16 July 2010 </div><br />
<div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify">Amb. Rajendra Abhyankar *</div><br />
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Director, IIT,And Friends,<br />
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I thank the Ministry of External Affairs and the IIT for giving me the opportunity to talk of Indian and West Asia – a region in which I spent over a decade of my career dealing with its complexities and challenges. It is interesting that I speak to you on West Asia here in Mumbai- I don’t know how many of you are aware that Iraq was administered from the Bombay Presidency during the early part of the British period. You have only to go to the Prince of Wales Museum - Chhatrapati Vastu Sangrahalaya - to see archaeological artefacts from ancient Iraqi sites which were brought to Mumbai then. But even more, Bombay has been, and remains, the first point of contact between the peoples of the Arab world- particularly the Gulf and Iran- and India. For decades we have seen Arabs in their traditional garb walking and lounging on Marine Drive taking the air in the monsoon season- something which is a rarity in their land.People who hail from Pune or Bangalore are equally familiar with Iranians who have settled generations ago. In fact when I was doing my PhD at Mumbai University Geroge’s Restaurant was a favourite for the Biryanis and Pullav’s it served!<br />
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I do not need to mention to this gathering that contact between the Indian people with those of West Asia goes back to centuries - even before Islam came to that region; neither do I need to mention that this intercourse was two-way and primarily benign. If we gave them the zero and the numeric system, we received knowledge of navigation and sea-faring; if the tales of the panchatantra reached them, in the Persian translation, as the stories of kalila wa dimna , then we received the metre and the rhyme of sufi poetry not to mention its theology. There were similar exchanges in the field of mathematics, astrology and astronomy, and medicine as also in craft- skills like carpet-making and brocade weaving ( zardodzi and kinkhab). The list is long but covers religion, culture, fine arts, sciences, music and musical instruments, dance, language and literature, and cuisine. But above all were the travel writings of Arab way-farers like al-Beruni and others who have left us a wealth of record on India of that time. The essential driver was trade and commercial exchanges. But for the water that separates us we are neighbours; the relationship has been both enriching and enduring.<br />
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When one looks at the Asian land-mass to our West we see four separate civilisations facing us- the Persian, the Arab, the Hebrew and the Turkish- all of them were brought together under the Ottoman Empire which lasted 500 years and had the widest spread of the then known world . It is interesting that while these four cultures confronted one another, it was to India that they all aspired- through trade or conquest or to escape from persecution in their native lands. It is even more interesting that they do not seamlessly merge into one another at their periphery- which may possibly have something to do with the ethnicities and languages that go with each culture: the Persians ( or Iranians) are from Indo –Aryan stock, the Arabs and Jews are both Semitic peoples and the Turks are themselves with a mixture of the Mongol. Each of these cultures has had a unique historical relationship with India.<br />
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West Asia not Middle East<br />
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It would not be out of place here to digress briefly to the controversy that runs like a common thread on discussions on the region in India: its nomenclature. Middle East is what it is commonly called, even though West Asia is its correct geographic location. It is so pervasive that even the computer dictionary gives you a prompt to capitalise M and E if you have not done it). We invariably call it West Asia. From where we are middle east will be Bangkok! So why WEST ASIA?<br />
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The term Middle East was was first used by US Admiral Mahan in 1902 to designate his strategic concept for the land bridge connecting Africa, Asia and Europe. As our Vice President, Hamid Ansari,, another former diplomat, has written, the term is a misnomer and legacy of an era when points on the globe were indentified with reference to the location of the seats of power of the European Empire. Nehru firmly distanced himself from calling it the ‘Middle East’ as Quite apart from its geographical position, it tended to continue a Euro-centric view of the region along with the attitudinal baggage that it implied.<br />
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Since Independence a lot has changed in the region- especially at the political and geo-strategic level. The oil crisis of 1974 focused the international community’s attention on the region as never before. When one super-imposes the monumental political developments, the world sees the ‘Middle East’ as the fulcrum of future political and economic stability in the world. The region’s nomenclature as ‘Middle East’ has gained widespread acceptance and even people of the region see themselves as from the Middle East first, and then as nationals from the country they belong. The word Middle East now bundles in it religion, culture, language and ethnicity. The term is now often used interchangeably with West Asia.<br />
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Defining the Region<br />
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The West Asian region breaks down conveniently into concentric circles of proximity : The innermost circle comprises Afghanistan, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran, Iraq and Yemen.<br />
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In the next circle are the countries of the Mashreq ( West Asia)–( Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon) - to our west and those of Central Asia to our north-west; next the circle comprising Turkey, countries of the Maghreb( Mediterranean sea-board)- Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco- and the countries in the Horn of Africa -Djibouti, Sudan and Somalia.<br />
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It is amazing that when one surveys the Asia continent from Istanbul – its western most extremity - one is struck by how much India has received from, and given to, each of the cultures we encounter in between- the Arab, the Persian and the Turkish. With each the intensity and thrust of our bilateral relations has been different.<br />
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Contours of India’s Policy<br />
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At Independence the first three decisions on India’s foreign policy concerned West Asia:our active support to the Khilafat Movement;India’s stand in the UN Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) in 1947 when in a dissenting note we advocated the establishment of a federal Palestine with internal autonomy for the Jewish population;and the decision on how we were going to deal with the state of Israel when it became independent in 1948.<br />
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These decisions were conditioned by India’s Partition which had left a traumatised, yet larger, Muslim community within India than went to Pakistan. The importance of the region, particularly Mecca and Medina in fulfilling the spiritual and religious needs of India’s Muslim population could not be under-estimated. These early decisions by the Government of India illustrate the counter pressures which have always led India to search for a middle ground in its policy towards the region. They also illustrate the considerations which come into play even today in India’s policy towards the region.<br />
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From an early concentration on looking at the region through the Islamic prism, Indian policy considerations have evolved in the last sixty years. The prism has shown other dimensions of the relationship: the oil-rich countries of the Gulf, particularly Iran and Iraq, became increasingly important for India in the 1960s and 1970s and remain so for our energy security. From the 1980s the region became a source of employment for Indian workers, who today number 5 million and correspondingly a source for huge remittances of about $ 20 billion annually. The history and current status of India’s Diaspora in the Gulf is unique in that it has become the driving force of those economies. The considerations which have guided our policy in these years remain valid today despite the change in the political, economic and social matrix:Friendly relations with the people of the region on the basis of shared history and culture;equidistance in intra-regional conflicts; support to the Palestinian cause;Desire to play an effective role in the region, even as a possible intermediary;in this context, management of the relations with Israel;oppose both exclusivist religious ideologies and religious fanaticism; Develop economic, trade and investment ties;<br />
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Energy security<br />
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As Prof. Girijesh Pant has written ‘for India, West Asia is the region to augment its power rather than to display or assert its power.’ The thrust of India’s West Asia policy and diplomacy thus has to be geared towards mobilizing resources - political, strategic, economic and cultural - from the region to contribute in its emergence as global power. .while India’s recent economic success has made this possible at the political level, Indian policy makers need to recognize that West Asian sensitivities have been offended and hurt by aggressive US intervention in the region. Indian policy has to be shaped in consonance with regional concerns. This does not mean that Indian policy has to be hostage to West Asian expectations but to underline that rise of India as a global player critically hinges upon its clout in its immediate and extended neighbourhood. In defining India’s role we need to do so within the geo-politics of a rising Asia.<br />
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It is important is to note that throughout this early period the India-West Asia relationship remained one-sided. It was always India and Indians who were dependant on the region and not so much in the reverse sense. It is only since this Millennium that the relationship between India and West Asia has become two-dimensional on which more later, it is akin to a re-discovery of India by the countries of West Asia.<br />
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The Region in Crisis:<br />
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Developments since 2000, the most provocative act being the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Centre, changed the face of the region. The last ten years have been described as ‘a bad decade’ by noted Lebanese journalist Rami. G. Khoury . Paradoxically, events and developments in the region had a profound influence on the world and the way it thought of itself, yet the region could not itself rise above the forces it unleashed.<br />
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The crisis in West Asia today can be traced to the long-term unresolved issue of bringing about a secure and viable Palestinian state, and the short-term issue of invasion and continuing presence of foreign forces. It has put pressure on national sovereignty, national security and the authority of State. Yet unlike in Europe, after fall of the Berlin Wall, centripetal rather than centrifugal forces have prevented the region from imploding or the re-drawing of national boundaries and creation of new states. The region presents the following challenges:<br />
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Waning of the belief in Arab solidarity, unity and socialism which had blurred ,if not eliminated, differences of sects, beliefs and region and tribe; Change in the social structure and mores in the region in favour of sect, tribe and tradition; and a conscious desire to get away from western values. The growing tension between the Sunni and Shia Muslims radiating westward from Pakistan from which India has remained immune so far; </div><br />
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<div align="justify">The emergence of a ‘back-to-roots thinking which gives primacy to religious belief in political matters; the sway of Al Qaeda and the Taliban;</div><br />
<div align="justify">The consolidation of the state of Israel in the region, and internationally; the unwritten edict which makes it taboo to mention Israeli nuclear weapons while giving no quarter to Iran ( and Iraq earlier) on the presumption that they either possess or seek to build them.<br />
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The impotence of major players to find a way to establish an secure, independent and viable Palestinian state causing a running sore on the psyche of its peoples ; the dilemma of not having an honest broker to solve the Palestinian issue coupled with growing disenchantment with US power and ability to perform this role; </div><br />
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The presence of foreign troops, in ever larger numbers, both on land and sea- we now have US troops in bases in Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Qatar, UAE and Western navies patrolling the Gulf, in particular the Hormuz straits.<br />
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The passing of Arab leadership from Egypt, Syria, Libya , Iraq and Tunisia in the post-colonial period to the growing clout of non-Arab players –Iran, US, Turkey and Israel, – in the post-secular period;Iran is today the biggest beneficiary of US intervention in Iraq as well as the policies of Israel and earlier US Administrations. With its ascendency its neighbours, many with significant Shia minorities, are concerned, particularly Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. Iran has now proxies in Lebanon, Gaza, Syria and Palestine;<br />
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The importance of energy resources of West Asia as the driver of political and economic developments in a globalizing world: differences on their security and their ownership;<br />
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The coming into their own of the Gulf Sheikdoms on the back of high returns from energy , growing stash of foreign exchange reserves and low population bases leading leveraging these resources for internal and external investments;<br />
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Consolidation of authoritarian governments and suppression of dissent within the trappings of democracy; the inability and unwillingness to hand political power to Islamic- oriented parties; at the same time, an increasing recourse to confessional type of governance- Lebanon no longer the exception but the model;<br />
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The increasing desire on the part of major Arab countries-Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Egypt to seek nuclear and missile weapon capacity both to create equities against Israel but to offset other regional players like Iran , all within professed adherence to the NPT straitjacket;<br />
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The use of Terror as an instrument of political negotiation :Internationalization of the scourge of terrorism and terrorist groups after 9/11 ; by implication a change from opposition of such groups to their placation through co-option and clandestine support to achieve larger goals of religion or political dominance; popular frustration at the inability to change systems and promote participative governance;<br />
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The passing by of West Asia by the most significant development of the 21st century- the knowledge economy; West Asia is at most a recipient, but neither an innovator, nor a provider;<br />
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Moribund nature of Arab and Islamic institutions – Arab League and the OIC; while the former is regarded by Egypt as an instrument f its foreign policy, Saudi Arabia takes a similar view of the latter. Suffice it to say that in the face of the tremendous pressure that Islam and Arabs have been under since 9/11 the two organisations have failed to take up the challenge to project the universality of the Arab and the benign face of Islam.<br />
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From India’s point of view India’s Gulf Security rests on three pillars: Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia. These pillars have never looked as much in flux as during the last decade. The strategic importance of the region will continue to lie in its geography and it’s much demanded natural resource petroleum and natural gas even though according to one estimate global dependence on West Asian oil is declining – as of 2007 the region produced fewer than 30 per cent of the world’s crude oil compared to 40 per cent in 1974-75.<br />
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India and the Region<br />
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India has always believed that its relations with the West Asian region are sui generis and immune from the effects of relations of other regional and global powers. This accounts for our relative unconcern with the role of other major and regional powers in the region. We have tended to believe that our role does not compete with any of the great powers, and to a large extent it does not. In the last decade this sanguine belief has received a rude shock. Issues like terrorism, money-laundering and safety of oil lanes have imposed new imperatives. With our energy requirements expected to grow exponentially we will come into conflict with China and the US for the oil and gas resources of the region.<br />
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The developments which have defined the shape of the region in the recent past have necessarily centred on US policy particularly since 2000. It is the articulation of US policy towards Palestine, Israel, Iraq, Iran, Syria and Saudi Arabia which has set the agenda for the region in the forthcoming decades. The period has equally seen US- India relations getting closer and diverse with the beginnings of a global strategic partnership. It has been both an asset and a liability.<br />
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How much was India influenced by the developments in the region and did it play any role in them? What has been India’s position on the seminal events of the decade? How is India perceived in the region as we start the second decade of the 21st century?<br />
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The answer to some of these questions will decide whether India’s West Asia policy has adapted with the times or suffered from cognitive disability. It is axiomatic that ties dating from antiquity of culture and religion, commerce and economics, politics and security, oil and gas and people-to-people bind us and make it incumbent to maintain forward-looking relations with the countries of the region. </div><br />
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While Mahatma Gandhi articulated it early on, since Independence India, as the leader of the nonaligned movement, has always been counted on for its steadfast support of the Palestinian cause. The political capital that Jawaharlal Nehru built for us in the region nurtures our relations to this day. People of the region rarely forget India’s support on a host of causes dear to the people of the region.</div><br />
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I will illustrate this with a personal reminiscence. Soon after the fall of Baghdad to US forces on 8 April 2003 I visited Iraq incognito to make an assessment on the the vexed question of sending Indian troops to Northern Iraq to help the US and coalition forces . We were under relentless pressure from George Bush and Donald Rumsfeld. I vividly recall meeting Jalal Talabani (now President of Iraq) in his northern redoubt of Dhokan and Massoud Barzani (now President of of Iraqi Kurdistan) in his lair in salubrious Salahaddin to get their views. Their opening remarks to me were identical: both quoted verbatim Nehru on the Kurdish cause in his Glimpses of World History. A cause which subsequent Indian governments could do nothing about.It evocatively brought out how much we had achieved in the opening years of our nation and how much we had distanced ourselves from our core causes. The question which arises: have we built on this legacy, adapted it or squandered it? </div><br />
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With 9/11 we found that finally our continuous 20-year old refrain on cross-border terrorism finally found a receptive audience: but it became the global war on terror and by the end of the decade we found that the perpetrators- Pakistan- had assumed the mantle of victims. Nevertheless our view Pakistan is the epicentre of terrorism has become conventional wisdom today although, and once again, no one –not even the US –was interested to bell the cat. The country remains far too important to fighting the war against Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan, never mind the terror groups it continues to nurture to continue its proxy war with us.<br />
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9/11 provoked a re-think on the Islamic ideology in much of the West Asian region, above all, in Saudi Arabia which saw the terrorism sponsored through its inspiration come home to roost. We found an increased willingness for the first time on the part of the Gulf Sheikdoms to co-operate with us on counter-terrorism, restricting flow of funds to institutions with dual agendas and defence co-operation. The lead was given by UAE which fully assisted us in the deportation of Aftab Ansari, the perpetrator of the attack on the American Centre in Kolkata who like Afzal Guru and Murugan remains on death row.<br />
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In the last decade the character of our relations with the Arab world became genuinely two-way. Till then our relations were unidirectional: it was India which needed their political support on Kashmir and their oil and gas; and Indians who found jobs boosting the economy with large remittances and spiritual sustenance from the Two Holy Cities and other places of pilgrimage. As an economy moving at the much reviled ‘Hindu rate of growth’ there was precious little that India could fundamentally contribute to the region. The shoe was always on the other foot notwithstanding the salience of the political factor.<br />
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If one surveys our relations with the region they fall into two broad categories: With West Asia and North Africa, the thrust remains primarily political based on India’s status as a leader of the Nonaligned crowned by our consistent support to the Palestinians. It was only in the latter half of the decade that the economic content of our relations with Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya became more significant ;<br />
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With the Gulf, the thrust is mainly economic engendered by our consistently high rates of growth since 1997. Talk of ‘strategic economic partnerships’ became current and an FTA between the GCC and India was gone through. The increasing realisation in these countries that their hydrocarbon resources needed to be up valued through long-term and stable returns made India a natural partner with its growing market, its thirst for hydrocarbons and its highly skilled professionals. The last decade has spurred inward investment and resource-based projects both in situ and in India. The lead given by the Gulf countries was taken up by Syria, Jordan, Morocco and others. </div><br />
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India’s economic success was the driver of this change. It was greatly assisted by two major developments:India’s growing relationship with the US made India attractive as a partner to others also, and secondly, the growing tension in relations between the West and West Asia exacerbated by the impasse in the Arab-Israeli situation had a positive influence on its relations with India. The need to tie up viable economic and investment projects catering to the Indian market or to Indians became the over-riding concern;</div><br />
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We saw a significant improvement in the ambient tenor of our relations with the countries of the region although Gulf Security became even more complicated. The spawning of terror outfits which received inspiration, sanctuary and funds from the region became a matter of major concern with the rise of terror attacks in India culminating with the Mumbai attack of 26/11.<br />
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For India, increased attention by the major countries in West Asia was an interesting development and took place at a time when the country was trying to cope with the growing terrorist threat and its inability to deal with it. India’s focus on developing beneficial economic and investment projects was only marginally successful and foundered on the perception of an absence of reciprocity in the relationship, particularly high-level visits. It is no surprise that the goodwill engendered by the factors noted above was almost dissipated given the repeated postponements of PM’s visits to region, especially to Saudi Arabia which finally took place in March 2010.<br />
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On the whole the tenor of our relations with each of the countries in the region was positive and there appeared less of an incentive on their part to flog the issues of Kashmir. To some extent this was helped by two factors: first, India decided to embark on a Dialogue relationship with the Arab League based in Cairo which helped to clear the air on India’s nuclear policy, relations with Israel and related issues; second, for the first time there was a move by some OIC countries to take a more positive view of India and the success of its secular model with the second largest Muslim community in the world. During his visit to India Saudi King Abdullah proposed that India should be made an Observer ruffling the placid waters of an organisation which has primarily moved to Saudi signals. Furthermore, OIC's own fixation on making itself more relevant against the Western onslaught following repeated Al Qaeda terror attacks put its Pakistan-inspired India baiting on the back burner. There was also a realisation at the popular level in the region that more than political creed, most needed was regimes which would promote greater prosperity and participatory governance.<br />
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Having considered the general trend of our relations with the region it is useful to focus on some of the critical points in the region in order to understand how our relations have developed at the micro level.<br />
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1.The AFPAK Region<br />
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Today the region which encompasses the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan has become the fulcrum in terms of future security in the region and indeed internationally. Despite the expenditure of close to US $ 31 billion since 2001 and the presence of 130000-140000 foreign, mainly US troops there is no end in sight for the War In Afghanistan. Even with the scaling down of US war aims to a single point of defeating Al Qaeda so that it cannot attack the US homeland again, we see a losing scenario. While cooperation with Pakistan is crucial for this goal it has blind-sided the US on Pakistan’s sponsorship of terror against India, its pandering to the Afghjan Taliban to hold a strategic asset in that country, facilitating the re-grouping of the Taliban and its pursuit of nuclear weaponisation. </div><br />
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India has worked within its policy of close friendship and assistance to the Afghan people. We are working on a project investment of USD 1.3 billion which will go to the Afghan people. We have persisted in this despite repeated ISI-sponsored attacks against our projects and Embasssy in Kabul. At the political level we have had to acquiesce with recent US-Pakistan-Afghanistan discussions on reconciliation with elements of the Taliban even though their coming back into government is anathema to us given our experience of 1996. From our point of view Taliban’s implacable hostility makes it impossible for us to do business with them. </div><br />
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More important, however, is the fact that its link with ISI makes it a part of the larger issue of India-Pakistan relations. We have now re-started the bilateral dialogue accepting that in the face of Pakistan’s terrorist agenda against India it is still better to keep talking to them. Despite US pressure Pakistan is not inclined to reduce its anti-Indian rhetoric or agenda.<br />
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2. Relations with Israel<br />
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The US played a pivotal role in ending Israel’s diplomatic isolation and has stood by Israel within the UN and outside it. Despite the fact of Israeli nuclear capability, the United States has kept mum on it and has kept the distance between India and Pakistan on the one hand and Israel on the other. Given its dependence on Washington for political support, technological assistance and economic largesse, Israel’s ability to pursue any major defence deals with the outside world, including India, depends squarely on Washington. As Israeli defence exports to India are being conducted under the watchful eyes of the United States, the ties between India and Israel will also be constrained by the extent to which the US wants this engagement to expand.<br />
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In this background, India found it relatively easier to manage its relations with Israel. The acquisition of defence equipment and defence material vital for the security of India’s one billion people set the bench mark for the relationship. The relationship has diversified into industry, manufacturing, agriculture, services and ICT. After almost two decades of diplomatic relations these relations have acquired a ‘special’ character although it has not stopped Israel from attempting to open relations with Pakistan. By the same token, India has ensured that its growing relations with Israel do not dilute its traditional support to Palestine. For the first time since the Middle East Peace Process commenced, India was invited to the US sponsored Anaheim Summit. Yet Israel’s penetration in India has not been without costs: first, continuing sentiment in the Arab world that India had abandoned its strong support of the Palestinians although the latter have themselves remained divided; second, Mumbai 26/11 demonstrated the danger of allowing new Jewish places of worship in India given that Shabad House was a target. The issue for India now remains the management of this mutually beneficial relationship.<br />
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3. Relations with Palestine<br />
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India’s support to Palestine has been stead-fast since our Independence. We were the first to recognise the Stae of Palestine declared by Yassir Arafat and have continually given the movement financial and poitical assistance. Our not having relations with Israel till 1992 was in their eyes a positive factor.It was only after the Us – sponsored Madrid Middle East Peace Process started in 1n 1991 that we decided to open relations with Israel. It was our contention that since the Arabs and hte Jews were talking to each other –also under the Oslo framework- there was no rreason for India to hold out. While we had stipulated that our relations will be calibrated with progress in the Arab-Israeli process, in fact the relations have moved regardless.<br />
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We were invited by the US to be part of the US-sponsored Peace Process at the Anaheim Conference in 2007 which failed to give the process a major impetus. On the other had the division in Palestine itself- between the Hamas led Gaza administration and the Mahmood Abbas led Palestine Authority in Ramallah has not been helpful. Gaza remains under Israeli siege and there is no headway to meeting te concerns of Hamas. India has excellent relations with the PA and only intermittent contact with Hamas in Gaza.<br />
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Given the current scenario it is difficult to visualise a break-through on the Arab-Israeli front: even the balanced policy which President Obama enunciated has not seen the light of day yet. Meanwhile Israeli settlement activity continues as also its hard policy against thePalestinians in Gaza.<br />
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4.Relations with Iran<br />
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Iran enjoys a rare political consensus in India and since the early 1990s every Indian Government has placed a high priority on strengthening its ties with Tehran. India is unlikely to share Israeli apprehensions over neither Iranian radicalism nor Israel of India’s concern over China. A number of factors such as India’s need to counter Pakistan’s influence in the Islamic world, the increasing geo-political importance of Central Asia, and the need to strengthen economic and commercial ties have led to a growing convergence in India-Iran interests in the post-cold war period.<br />
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The Iranian puzzle also brings in the American dimension that has both positive and negative implications after four sets of US/UN sanctions the last in May 2010. India and Iran have differences of perceptions on the issue of nuclear proliferation, gas pipelines and relations with Israel. India is keen that Iran follows its NPT obligations and opposes its nuclear ambitions. This is true of Russia, China, Europe and others also. At the same time we have no problem if Iran wants to assert itself in the region. Over the past five years it is Iran which has benefitted the most from the actions of extra-regional and regional powers. Their cooperation will be crucial in successfully tackling the problems of the region. During EAM Krishna’s visit to Tehran in May 2010 we discussed the developments in the AfPak region in which both have major interest. We also agreed that terror was the common challenge for both countries.<br />
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5.Relations with Turkey<br />
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India’s relations with Turkey have again been historic with the Mughals- Turko-Mongols - coming to India for conquest. During the Independence struggle Mahatma Gandhi launched a campaign to support the Caliphate in Istanbul which was under the threat of extinction under Mustafa Kamal Attaturk- the Khilafat Movement. Funds were collected for this purpose and sent to Istanbul; but they reached only when the Caliphate had been abolished. Ataturk, in his wisdom, used the funds for the construction of the first building of the Turkish Parliament.<br />
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After Independence with Turkey’s membership of NATO and CENTO it became close top Pakistan- which still remains if in no other way than sentiment. With Turkey’s aspiration for joining the European Union it has come closer to India in its views on terrorism and bilateralism in discussions with neighbours.<br />
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Turkey is today undergoing a transition from the secular ethos which was a hall mark of Kemalism to a more religiously oriented polity with the ascendance of the AKP- a moderate Islamic political party. In a way the wheel has come a full circle. India’s relations with Turkey remain good with a strong injection of the economic component. Turkey is today the transit for the BTC oil pipeline which delivers Azerbaijani crude on the Mediterranean sea. Indian companies have been involved in construction of the pipeline and Turkish companies have been looking at infra projects in India. Turkey has an important role in Afghanistan and provides a strong contingent as part of NATO. It has, apart from Pakistan, the oldest links with that country.<br />
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6.Relations with Saudi Arabia<br />
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The visit to India of Saudi King Abdullah in January 2006, fifty years after the last, signalled an important change in that country’s way of looking at India.It was noteworthy that out of his 4-country visit to India, Pakistan, Malaysia and China, he spent the longest in India and the shortest in Pakistan, its traditional friend. The visit sent a powerful message to the Arab World and led to visit of other Arab leaders from Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Syria, Egypt and others.<br />
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India, unlike China, was not able to effectively convert the opening provided by the Saudi visit in 2006 into major projects based on their energy and other mineral resources and on strong political support. There is no gainsaying the fact that support from Saudi Arabia remains crucial to our concerns on Pakistan’s machinations on Kashmir and in the OIC. Saudi support becomes even more important as and when the US withdraws its troops from Afghanistan given the former’s support of the Taliban; and because it our largest supplier of crude from the Gulf. The visit this March of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gives us an opportunity to pick up these threads. </div><br />
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Under the wise King Abdullah Saudi Arabia has tried to maintain its leadership of the Arab world despite charges of being the inspiration, if not the inspirator, of Islamic-oriented terror which eventually hit the country internally also. Whether on the Palestine-Israeli issue, or the OIC or new openings the Saudi King has steadfastly moved ahead. Yet the intensification of Shia -Sunni conflict in Iraq, the presence of US troops and bases in the region and growing internal pressure on the US Administration to make an honourable exit from Afghanistan by doing a deal with the Afghan Taliban, Saudi Arabia’s capacity to determine the flow of events will only increase.<br />
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Looking Ahead<br />
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It will be seen that the last decade was eventful for West Asia and the Gulf insofar as much of what came out of there drove the reactions and policies of the rest of the world. The US invasion of Iraq disturbed the settled relationships of the earlier era and brought ethnic and religious conflict fore-ground bringing new players in the region other than the US- Turkey and Iran. Yet in the larger movement of technology, finance, innovation and enterprise the world passed it by. While the last decade brought a degree of respite from the highly political content of its relationship, India did not keep up the flow of interaction at high political levels. India’s increasing acceptance as an emerging global power was seen as compensation enough possibly to the detriment of our long term interests. India’s initiatives in the region were more bilateral aimed at enhancing our energy security and the security of our borders. International concerns besetting the region had a relatively lower salience in our policy and we remained content to watch developments from the sidelines.<br />
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India still has considerable political capital in West Asia built up over the Nehru years. The re-defining of this capital would be challenge of our West Asian policy in the years to come. In defining an Indian role in West Asia a number of considerations not directly in the realm of foreign policy come into play. The immutable considerations - all domestic - that have weighed heavily on our policy are the presence of the second largest Muslim community in the world; the dependence of our country on West Asia’s energy resources (60 per cent of our hydrocarbon needs); and the remittances from the Indian Diaspora in the Gulf. These will continue to determine the parameters of our policy in the future also. To this have to be added new determinants: India’s economic success which has created a growing market for energy and other natural resources from West Asia and a secure destination for its investment; India’s role in a rejuvenated group of developing countries alike IBSA and BRIC; India as a paradigm for democratic and cultural pluralism; and India’s firm opposition to terrorism in any form.<br />
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The future looks equally uncertain for the region in the background of projected withdrawal of US and Western forces from Iraq and Afghanistan. The reconstruction of these devastated countries, and the region itself, will have both challenges and opportunities. India still has the best credentials in the region not having been identified with the negative developments of the last decade. Despite last year’s global financial crisis our economy looks poised to maintain its growth trajectory at a time when the Gulf and West Asia is still reeling. The moment is opportune for a new opening to the region. Prime Minister’s visit to Saudi Arabia sent a positive message in the region on which we need to capitalise.<br />
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Let me list some cardinal points which could determine India’s policy on West Asia<br />
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India will always support secular, democratic and plural societies in West Asia while finding a modus vivendi to do business with the parties in power in order to maintain its traditional friendship with the countries of the region. Its continuing interest in the Palestine issue must be translated into constructive engagement.<br />
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India’s primary goal has to be the safeguarding of the security in the Gulf, and to this end, enhancing its relations with Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran in a non-zero sum approach. It would mean developing cooperative maritime security and counter-terror arrangements with all the Gulf countries. It would also require close contact with these countries in combating terrorism and the linked nexus of arms smuggling, money laundering and drugs.<br />
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India’s relations with Israel have acquired a depth and diversity which cannot be rolled back. This has happened because Israel has been able to meet crucial Indian needs in the field of defence, agriculture and technology. The relation has to be seen in the context of the imperative of any Indian government to assure the security of one billion people. Our experience has shown, as in Kargil that despite usurious costs Israel has shown itself to be a reliable partner. India does not need to be defensive on this score especially since the importance of this relationship cuts across party lines. It is a situation which needs advocacy both within the country and the region.<br />
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India by the weight of its historical relations with and its current economic success has to carve a role leveraging its growing market and talent pool and the natural and financial resources of the region. While the Gulf countries, including Iraq and Iran are the most susceptible to this approach, it is equally possible with countries like Egypt and the other countries in the Maghreb like Libya and Morocco. Maximising economic and trade interaction will provide the ballast for closer and more balanced overall relations .As stated above the rise of India hinges on its clout in its proximate neighbourhood.<br />
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India’s goal will be to develop a two-dimensional relation with the countries of the region. Recent indications of West Asian countries ‘looking East’ towards India need to be capitalized upon. India’s future lies in its increasing recognition as a rising Asian economic power.<br />
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India’s model of a secular and democratic polity and its commitment to ensuring minority rights has a great attraction in today’s West Asia where religious and cultural differences amongst the diverse ethnicities have been exposed. In this context, India needs to develop a new channel of interaction through civil society organizations as a means to foster exchange of views on common social and economic problems. Some trends in this direction with Saudi Arabia and Iran are already noticeable. Development of cultural relations will have to be a major plank of India’s policy towards West Asia.<br />
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India will have to carefully calibrate its relations with the region in such a way that its policy parameters remain inviolable amidst pressures of its growing relations with the Great Powers particularly the US. A regular dialogue with the US and EU on developments in West Asia would provide a tool to understand the parameters on both sides.<br />
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A number of minorities in the region like the Kurds who have found a voice, in the churning that the region has undergone, hold India in high esteem. A subsidiary goal of Indian policy in the region has to be to encourage these communities within the framework of the constitutional structure in the countries in which they live.<br />
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Foreign policy decisions in the coming years will have consequences for peace and harmony in our multi-cultural, multi-religious country. We should do what we can to strength the forces of stability and moderation in the region.<br />
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Let me end on a lighter note by coming back to our cultural links- in particular cuisine. Much of the cuisine of the Arab world has its roots in the Ottoman cuisine considering they were part of that empire for 500 years. Different parts of the Arab world specialised in different components of Turkish cuisine – while the Lebanese excelled in salads, the Syrians became the masters of filo-pastry and desserts, and the Iraqis of grills, the couzi whole lamb pullav is universal to the Arab world. A lot of this cuisine also travelled to India with the Turko-Mongols. Next time you order a Shami Kebab remind yourself that it comes from Damascus, which in Arabic is called balad as-sham; but strangely they don’t make this dish in Syria. They instead make a dish called kebab hindi which is nothing like the shami kebab!<br />
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Thank You</div><br />
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*Amb. Rajendra Madhukar Abhyankar<br />
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Ambassador Rajendra Abhyankar is currently Adviser The Asia Foundation, New Delhi and Chairman,Kunzru Centre for Defence Studies and Research, Pune. A former diplomat, his last assignment was India’s Ambassador to the EU, Belgium and Luxembourg. As Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi,( 2001-04) Ambassador Abhyankar’s responsibilities included supervising India’s relations with the the Middle-East [West Asia and the Gulf] and the Islamic world; the countries of South-East Asia including ASEAN, member-states of the Pacific Island Forum, Australia, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, DPR of Korea, Mongolia; and Central Asia and Turkey. He was closely involved with India’s policy on Iraq, a country with which he has a long association having been in post in Baghdad during the Iraq-Iran war. He was also responsible for fashioning India’s policy on Palestine-Israel issue; and on developing India’s relations with Israel. He also formulated and supervised India’s policy in the field of counter-terrorism and led a number of bilateral groups with countries in the region. </div><br />
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He has held Ambassadorial posts in Cyprus (1987-90) Syria (1992-96), Turkey and Azerbaijan (1996-98). His tenure as Consul General in San Francisco (1998-2001), coming as it did, soon after US sanctions following India’s nuclear tests in 1998, required him to undertake special advocacy of India’s views and perspectives on disarmament and non-proliferation. The economic success of India and of Indians during the Internet boom in Silicon Valley added a new dimension to Ambassador Abhyankar’s knowledge, experience and contacts. He has an experience of over five years in handling India’s relations with Sri Lanka having also served in Colombo (1982-1984). His two tenures in Brussels and one in Rome have given him a unique insight into the workings of European institutions and policy. </div><br />
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Ambassador Abhyankar was the first Director, Centre for West Asian (Middle East) Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia University in New Delhi (2005-2008). As Director, The Asia Foundation, New Delhi (2005-2009) he was instrumental in starting TAF’s India Program and setting up its Delhi office. </div><br />
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He is a frequent speaker on India, Middle-East and other international issues at universities, think-tanks and public affairs forums in India, US and abroad and contributes to Indian newspapers. </div><br />
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Apart from four Indian languages he speaks French, Italian, Arabic, Turkish and Greek.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com14